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"A growing cooperation between the public and private sectors indicates that the tasks of redevelopment are too large and complex for either sector to accomplish alone. Some people maintain that government can do few things right; others are equally distrustful of the private sector. As used here, the private sector is considered to be all that is not government. Each of the success stories illustrated is, in part, a ""road to recovery, "" although none appear to have been influenced by a purpose that broad. Paul R. Porter and David C. Sweet present stories of progress in self-reliance that concern neighborhood and downtown recoveries, school improvement, job generation, a regained fiscal solvency, novel financing techniques, helping tenants to become homeowners, and a successful venture in self-help and tenant management in crime-infested neighborhoods. The successes stem from the diverse community roles of Yale University, a medical center, the world's largest research organization, the Clorox Company, a gas company, an insurance company, a newspaper, neighborhood and downtown organizations, city governments and two religious organizations - the Mormon Church and the tiny Church of the Savior. These stories are located throughout the United States, including Akron, Baltimore, Brooklyn, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Columbus, Fort Wayne, Indianapolis, Milwaukee, New Haven, Oakland, Pittsburgh, St. Louis, St. Paul, Salt Lake City, Springfield, Mass., Tampa, and Washington, D.C. The editors have gathered the work of professionals known in the field of urban studies: James W. Rouse, Donald E. Lasater, Rolf Goetze, Dale F. Bertsch, Joel Lieske, Eugene H. Methvin, James E. Kunde, T. Michael Smith, Robert Mier, Carol Davidow, Jay Chatterjee, June Manning Thomas, Norman Krumholz, Larry C. Ledebur, and Robert C. Holland."--Provided by publisher.

"National data indicates a surge in African-American suburbanization during the 1970s. What are the barriers that have slowed this process for so long? Is black entry to the suburbs synonymous with integration? To what extent does it contribute to convergence in the residential distributions of whites and blacks? This careful and thorough study marshals evidence that black suburbanization offers less than full realization of the American Dream. Homeownership in the United States is a source of security, a sign of status, a means of equity accumulation, and a bond to the community. The basic premise underlying The New Suburbanitesis the preeminence of equal access. Survey data collected for this analysis pertains to successful homebuyers - whites and blacks who were able to negotiate safely the treacherous housing market conditions. Specifically, Robert W. Lake draws from a unique survey of black and white homebuyers to assess the institutional and housing market barriers to black suburban homeownership. How does racial discrimination add to the cost, time, and difficulty of housing search for black homebuyers? What is the effect of discrimination on housing prices, resale value, and equity accumulation? What is behind the complexity of white and black attitudes to suburban racial integration? What is the perspective of the real estate agent, the key market intermediary? The book addresses each of these questions and concludes with a critique of present federal fair housing legislation and an assessment of policy implications."--Provided by publisher

Theory carries a heavy workload in the academic enterprise, offering access to Truth or Understanding of an external world. But theory has proven to be a capricious guide amidst the actual practice of academic theory production, in which the unending cycle of theoretical fashionability vanquishes hope for access to an enduring Truth and the obdurate complexity of the world poses impediments to Understanding at least as severe as those inhibiting the quest for Truth. The route of escape from the seduction of theory is to give up the idea that the problem lies in choosing the right representational lens through which to know or understand the world and, instead, to engage in a dialogical effort to build the world we collectively wish to inhabit. Successful transition from knowing to doing rests on overcoming the conceptual, institutional, personal and psychic costs imposed by relinquishing aspirations to Truth or Understanding in the present and accepting the collective – and far more challenging – task of imagining and creating a better future.

The common bond linking feminist theories of identity politics and process ontologies is that, while differing in their ontological presuppositions, both are modes of representation of an external reality, asserting an unverifiable correspondence between our mental representations and an antecedent, external reality. To escape the quagmire of representationalism, Ihnji Jon turns to transitionalist pragmatism in a radical move that redirects attention from intellectual debates between contending theorists to charting a route to practical reconstruction. Jon's pragmatist turn transcends enduring dualisms that have hampered knowledge production since the Greeks while posing daunting challenges to the purpose and process of political practice and social inquiry.

AbstractThe upsurge in anti‐regulatory rhetoric known as YIMBYism has deep historical roots in laissez‐faire liberalism. Contemporary YIMBYism lacks empirical validation; embraces a categorical fallacy; embodies moral failure; exemplifies the arrogance of policy expertise; reveals the maturation of neoliberalism; and provides an object lesson in the dominance of power politics in the production of truth in the contemporary moment.

AbstractConsiderations of justice have moved to a central place in planning theory following Susan Fainstein's (2010) eloquent plea to elevate justice to the principal criterion for the evaluation of planning practice. Justice based on this understanding is the object of planning—the normative end that planning practice should strive to achieve. In this essay I explore the implications for planning theory and practice of making justice the subject rather than the object of planning. This formulation places justice at the center of rather than regarding it as the outcome of practice: what is of concern here is planning as the practice of justice rather than the justice of planning practice. The question for planning in this mode shifts from 'Is this a just outcome?' to 'What is justice in this situation?'. Based on John Dewey's pragmatist philosophy, this question transcends the dualisms between subject and object, and process and outcome, by understanding outcomes as already formulated (what Dewey called ends‐in‐view) in the process of their production. A planning process that takes justice as its subject is anti‐foundational and contextual rather than universal, anticipatory rather than retrospective, generative of solutions rather than evaluative of outcomes, culturally encompassing rather than project‐delimited, and inclusively democratic rather than expert‐driven. Examples from a variety of sources illustrate the practice of justice as the subject of planning.

AbstractIn The City and the Grassroots, Manuel Castells recentered the city as the site of distinctively urban social movements and reaffirmed the role of purposive social action in constructing a distinctively urban space. Although Castells' recitation of five centuries of urban political activism documents the consistent failure of such movements to achieve their goals, his account is persistently optimistic on at least three counts. First, recentering the city reminds us that, despite the failure of transitory political movements, the city endures as an opportunity for renewed political activism. The continual possibility of change offered by the city's ontological persistence is separate from the fate of any given political intervention. Second, regardless of its specific success or failure, each episode of urban activism establishes a new context for the next encounter, its legacy persisting in the collective memories — the stock of mnemonic capital — of which the city is the repository. Third, Castells' emphasis on political agency affirms that, while all action is ephemeral, its constitutive re‐enactment ceaselessly provides openings for insurgency and transgression. This optimistic message is worth repeating today.

Objective. New Jersey's state land‐use plan, designed to preserve open space by directing growth to urban centers, rests on the assumption that nature (the "environment") and the urban constitute separate objective spheres, such that nature can be preserved as an end in itself. Through a spatial transformation that de‐populated the cities and suburbanized the countryside, however, the urban and the environmental have become overlapping discursive categories, each expressing the absence of the other, and raising serious dilemmas for environmental planning.Methods. This article uses Census data to document the extent of New Jersey's urban and racial transformation over more than half a century, and examines county and municipal reviews of the state's proposed land‐use plan to document the resulting contradictory interpretations of nature articulated in political debate over state‐plan implementation.Results. The attempt to forge a statewide consensus on environmental and open‐space preservation has been stymied by the contradictory perspectives of urban and suburban constituencies, whose responses focus on the urban rather than the environmental implications of proposed land‐use controls. State planners seeking political support for environmental protection find themselves embroiled in often vitriolic debates about urban and suburban lifestyles, with implicit racial subtexts, and about the legitimacy of state intervention perceived as supporting antithetical values.Conclusions. Contrary to the state's attempt to separate the urban and the environmental, the route to environmental protection in New Jersey may lie through urban revitalization.

Objective. NJ's state land-use plan, designed to preserve open space by directing growth to urban centers, rests on the assumption that nature (the "environment") & the urban constitute separate objective spheres, such that nature can be preserved as an end in itself. Through a spatial transformation that de-populated the cities & suburbanized the countryside, however, the urban & the environmental have become overlapping discursive categories, each expressing the absence of the other, & raising serious dilemmas for environmental planning. Methods. This article uses Census data to document the extent of NJ's urban & racial transformation over more than half a century, & examines county & municipal reviews of the state's proposed land-use plan to document the resulting contradictory interpretations of nature articulated in political debate over state-plan implementation. Results. The attempt to forge a statewide consensus on environmental & open-space preservation has been stymied by the contradictory perspectives of urban & suburban constituencies, whose responses focus on the urban rather than the environmental implications of proposed land-use controls. State planners seeking political support for environmental protection find themselves embroiled in often vitriolic debates about urban & suburban lifestyles, with implicit racial subtexts, & about the legitimacy of state intervention perceived as supporting antithetical values. Conclusions. Contrary to the state's attempt to separate the urban & the environmental, the route to environmental protection in NJ may lie through urban revitalization. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

Despite widespread claims of its demise, the national state is the scale of the state institution best able to marshal the political, discursive and material resources necessary to achieve goals of social justice, defined as a decrease in income inequality, at local, national and global scales. The appearance of the withering away of the state is deceptive, since it is the state itself that is enacting the distribution of functions that some observers interpret as a reduction in state power. The arguments for a return of big government are both strategic and tactical. Strategically, central government has been responsible for every major social policy advance in the United States in the twentieth century. Tactically, the institutions comprising decentralized governance, including local governments, non–profit foundations and community–based organizations, are inadequate to the task. The role of big government in pursuit of social justice entails discursive and regulatory functions, each in turn suggesting an attendant political project for academics and activists. What is at stake is not a quantitative redistribution of state power but a qualitative redirection of the purposes to which that power is applied. Uncritical insistence on the end of the nation state may create a self–defeating self–fulfilling prophecy that conceals important opportunities for political realignment.L'Etat nation est à la meilleure échelle pour mobiliser les ressources politiques, discursives et matérielles nécessaires à la poursuite de la justice sociale, définie comme la réduction des inégalités de revenu aux échelles locales, nationales et globales, et ce malgré les affirmations répandues sur le retrait de l'Etat. L'apparence d'effacement de l'Etat est trompeuse puisque c'est l'Etat luui même qui organise la réallocation des fonctions que certains observateurs interprètent comme une réduction du pouvoir de l'Etat. L'argument en faveur d'un retour du 'big government' sont à la fois stratégiques et tactiques. D'un point de vue stratégique, le gouvernement central a été responsable de toutes les grandes avancées sociales du Xxème siècle aux USA. Sur le plan tactique, les institutions de gouvernance décentralisée comprenant le gouvernement local, les fondations à but non lucratif et les organisations communautaires ne peuvent pas faire face à ces tâches. Le rôle du gouvernement dans la poursuite de la justice sociale comprend des fonctions régulatives et discursives, chacune d'entre elle renvoyant à des projets politiques pour les activistes et les universitaires. Ce n'est pas la réallocation de l'autorité qui est en jeu mais une réorientation des objectifs du pouvoir. L'accent mis sans réserve sur la fin de l'Etat nation pourrait crééer une prophétie auto–créatrice auto–défaitiste qui dissimulerait les vraies opportunités de réorientation politique.