Teenage pregnancy rates in Uganda are among the highest in sub-Saharan Africa. Child marriage is often the result of unmarried teenage pregnancy and is recognised by Uganda's government as a form of sexual violence and an outcome of inequality. However, unmarried motherhood incurs stigma and shame within traditionally living rural communities. Using co-produced Open Space and ethnographic methods, we examined the psychosocial impact of unmarried motherhood on girls and their communities, and explored problem-solving with key local stakeholders. Findings indicate that girls experience extreme stress, social exclusion and rejection by their families, and experience bereavement from school expulsion and the loss of their career aspirations. Depressive symptoms and suicidal behaviour are reportedly not uncommon among this population group. Community and family efforts to promote marriage for these mothers to avoid social stigma increased the mothers' feelings of depression, whereas mothers who became independent appeared to fare better psychologically. Community members and local stakeholders demonstrated a willingness to act locally to reduce the negative impacts of unmarried motherhood but lacked knowledge and support resources. Our findings indicate that mental health promotion for teenage mothers is likely to be better served through empowerment strategies rather than marriage and, in a context of poor mental health service access, there is a substantial role for community mobilisation and the promotion of self-help strategies to support teenage mothers. This study raises important points regarding different community understandings of depression and indicates collaboration between professionals and communities for a values-based approach.
SummaryIt is important to consider the complexities of family dynamics when deciding when and how to communicate with HIV-infected children about their illness and treatment. Previous research has focused on providers' and caregivers' perspectives on whether, when and how to disclose HIV/AIDS diagnosis and treatment to HIV-infected children. From the perspective of HIV-infected children, communication does not mean just giving information about illness and treatment, but also encompasses emotional and material care. This paper places communication within the broader framework of caregiving in family situations. This exploratory study was conducted in Jinja district, Uganda, between November 2011 and December 2012. Through participant observation and in-depth interviews, communication by, and with, HIV-infected children in the context of family situations was explored from the perspectives of 29 HIV-infected children aged 8–17 years on antiretroviral therapy (ART) using content thematic analysis. Children's communication with caregivers about their illness and treatment varied depending on whom they were living with and the nature of caregiving. Although a mother's care was considered best, children described others who cared 'like a mother'. For some, caregiving was distributed among several relatives and non-relatives, while others felt they had hardly anyone to care for them. Caregiving from the children's perspective involved emotional support, expressed verbally and explicitly in messages of concern, encouragement conveyed in reminders to take medicines, attention when sick and confidential conversations about the challenges of having HIV and taking ART. Caregiving was also communicated implicitly in acts of provision of food/drinks to take with medicines, counting pills to confirm they had taken the medicines and accompanying children to treatment centres. Children's communication about their health and medicines and the care they received was to a large extent shaped by the nature of their relatedness to their caregivers, the extent to which caregiving was dispersed among several people and who else in the household was infected with HIV and on medication.
IntroductionKnowledge of antiretroviral therapy (ART) among children with HIV depends on open communication with them about their health and medicines. Guidelines assign responsibility for communication to children's home caregivers. Other research suggests that communication is poor and knowledge about ART is low among children on treatment in low‐income countries. This study sought to describe communication about medicine for HIV in quantitative terms from the perspectives of both children and caregivers. Thereafter, it established the factors associated with this communication and with children's knowledge about their HIV medicines.MethodsWe undertook a cross‐sectional survey of a random sample of 394 children with HIV on treatment and their caregivers at nine health facilities in Jinja District, Uganda. We assessed reported frequency and content of communication regarding their medicines as well as knowledge of what the medicines were for. Logistic regression analysis was used to determine the factors associated with communication patterns and children's knowledge of HIV medicines.ResultsAlthough 79.6% of the caregivers reported that they explained to the children about the medicines, only half (50.8%) of the children said they knew that they were taking medicines for HIV. Older children aged 15–17 years were less likely to communicate with a caregiver about the HIV medicines in the preceding month (OR 0.5, 95% CI 0.3–0.7, p=0.002). Children aged 11–14 years (OR 6.1, 95% CI 2.8–13.7, p<0.001) and 15–17 years (OR 12.6, 95% CI 4.6–34.3, p<0.001) were more likely to know they were taking medicines for HIV compared to the younger ones. The least common reported topic of discussion between children and caregivers was "what the medicines are for" while "the time to take medicines" was by far the most mentioned by children.ConclusionsCommunication about, and knowledge of, HIV medicines among children with HIV is low. Young age (less than 15 years) was associated with more frequent communication. Caregivers should be supported to communicate diagnosis and treatment to children with HIV. Age‐sensitive guidelines about the nature and content of communication should be developed.
Little is known about whether people living with HIV would like to receive their results from pharmacogenomics research. This study explored the factors influencing participants' preferences and the reasons for their desire to receive individual results from pharmacogenomics research. We employed a convergent parallel mixed methods study design comprising a survey of 225 research participants and 5 deliberative focus group discussions with 30 purposively selected research participants. Almost all (98%) participants wanted to receive individual pharmacogenomics research results. Reasons for the desire to receive results were reciprocity for valuable time and effort, preparing for future eventualities, and the right to information about their health. Overall, participants desire to receive feedback from pharmacogenomics research, particularly if results are well established and clinically actionable.
Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Polygraphy -- INTRODUCTION The First Generation -- CASE I. Robinah and Joyce -- CHAPTER ONE Connections -- CASE II. Saddam -- CHAPTER TWO Clientship -- CASE III. Suzan -- CHAPTER THREE Mobility -- CASE IV. MamaGirl & MamaBoy -- CHAPTER FOUR Families -- CASE V. Alice -- CHAPTER FIVE Partners -- CASE VI. Jackie -- CHAPTER SIX Children -- CASE VII. John -- CHAPTER SEVEN Work -- CASE VIII. Hassan -- CHAPTER EIGHT Food -- CASE IX. Jolly -- CHAPTER NINE Bodies -- CASE X. Rachel -- CHAPTER TEN Medicine -- CASE XI. Dominic -- CHAPTER ELEVEN Life -- Acknowledgments -- Bibliography -- Contributors -- Index
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The HIV/AIDS epidemic in sub-Saharan Africa has been addressed and perceived predominantly through the broad perspectives of social and economic theories as well as public health and development discourses. This volume however, focuses on the micro-politics of illness, treatment and death in order to offer innovative insights into the complex processes that shape individual and community responses to AIDS. The contributions describe the dilemmas that families, communities and health professionals face and shed new light on the transformation of social and moral orders in African societies, which have been increasingly marginalised in the context of global modernity
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