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An analysis of 4,706 cases of 'complaints' under the Child Welfare Act, dealt with by the Children's Court during a two year period, indicated significant differences between the dispositions made in respect of the same complaints by special children's courts in urban areas, by 'declared' children's courts in country areas, and by such 'declared' courts in areas of Aboriginal concentration. Some of the differences were thought to be attributable to pragmatic and circumstantial considerations associated with the courts' locations. However, significant dispositional differences not attributable to circumstantial factors, that were found between special urban courts, suggested that the observed disparity in dispositions has also a substantive relationship to the courts' differing conceptions of what constitutes the best interest of the child. The findings are discussed in the light of the literature, and some measures that could reduce the existing disparity are suggested.

Neither State nor private adoption agencies in Australia give preference to childless applicants over applicants who already have one child. This policy is presumed to be in 'the best interest of the child', and is based on the belief that being an only child leads to maladjustment. Empirical evidence indicates, however, that in general only children are in fact better adjusted than children from larger families. Consequently, not only has the existing policy no substance but also it denies natural justice to the childless couples who have to wait to start their adoptive family.In the past two decades there has been a complete reversal of the supply/demand situation in the area of child adoption in Australia. At present, the number of children available for adoption is so small relative to the number of potential adopters, that approved applicants have to wait for up to eight years in N.S.W. before they can expect to have a child allotted to them. The length of this waiting period seems excessive not only in terms of the applicants' expectations but also in terms of ordinary common sense values of the general community. If the situation is to be remedied, there is a need for a more flexible adoption policy suited to the prevailing social circumstances. A facet of this policy, which could shorten the waiting period possibly by half if adapted to the existing situation, is the proviso that all other things being equal childless applicants are given no preference over applicants who already have a natural or adopted child.

An analysis of 13,919 cases dealt with by the Children's Court during a two year period showed significant differences between the regional patterns of dispositions made by the courts in respect of comparable male juvenile offenders (Crimes Act). Urban courts presided over by special children's magistrates were more lenient than countrty courts with regular stipendiary magistrates, except for committing greater numbers of offenders for trial in a higher court. Country courts in general tended to be more lenient in respect of selected offences than country courts located in areas of Aboriginal concentration. However, differences were also found between the dispositions of individual urban courts which could not be accounted for by the social and circumstantial factors associated with regional differences.

Socially, the most damaging of all the effects of violent crime was said to be its indirect 'terrorising' effect, generating public fear and disrupting the functioning of the community. The blame for aggravation of this effect is often placed on over‐reporting and sensationalization by the mass media. The study aimed to determine if there is an objective basis for a growing public concern about increases in crimes of violence in New South Wales, or if this concern is a product of certain forms of publicity given to violence, and to identify targets for social intervention.A formal analysis of a decade's trends in violent crimes against the person and property crimes showed the following: among adults more males commit murder and major assault, and more females major assault; among juveniles, more males commit assault, serious robbery, and malicious damage, and more females assault and malicious damage; more offences of major assault, robbery, and arson are reported to the police, but there is no increase in reported rapes and known homicides; there is no increase in the vandalization of school property; the only judicial reflection of public concern about violent crime is a slight increase in the length of sentence given for robbery.In a critical discussion of the findings, increases in violent crime reported to the police were singled out as justifying public concern. The most serious concern, however, is warranted by the increasing juvenile violence which is consistent with trends observed in most Western countries. The difficulty was pointed out of translating this concern into social action, in the absence of any coherent theoretical or empirical framework within which to identify priority targets. There is a need for a multifactorial approach to provide a rational basis for dealing with the problem of violent crime.

Findings of research (conducted mainly by outsiders of the programs) have accumulated, which showed that the dissemination of drug knowledge not only does not prevent but could actually encourage drug experimentation by juveniles. Although a new ideology, which stresses education about 'effective living' instead of about drugs, has been propagated for a number of years now, its presumed prophylactic effects have yet to be demonstrated by its supporters. It is argued here that a continued reliance by professionals on empirically unvalidated educational programs, based on common sense and intuitive notions, constitutes an abrogation of professional responsibility; also, that at the present state of knowledge, the cutting off of drug supplies and possibly an attenuation of drug related publicity might be the only effective measures for primary and secondary prevention of drug abuse by children and juveniles.

The medical examination of the newborn infant for adoption should reduce the risk of the prospective parents adopting a child with a potentially serious disease or abnormality, and ensure that the infant being adopted is healthy (Betheras, 1976). Genetic and clinically obvious conditions apart, an early detection of brain damage was said to be of highest importance in such an examination, because adopting parents "… find it insupportable if a child cannot respond adequately to their love and affection" (Tizard, 1969, p. 44). However, because even gross brain damage may be undetectable in the early weeks of life, and the prediction of future development of the neonate is seldom possible from a paediatric examination (Tizard, 1969; Karelitz, 1956), there appear to be only very limited prospects to reduce "… the magnitude of the risk that adoptive parents must taken when they adopt newborn infants" (Karelitz, 1956, p. 94).

A formal analysis of secular trends in statutory child welfare (defined by rates of complaints laid under the Child Welfare Act) showed no changes in overall rates of welfare problems, excepting an increase for boys aged 16–17. There were significant changes in the pattern of problems, and in the pattern of Children's Court dispositions. The trends were used as social indicators of changes in community values and mores, and in welfare practice.