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The Rise of Legal Graffiti Writing in New York and Beyond -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- List of Figures -- 1 Introduction -- New York City Graffiti After 1989 -- The Structure of the Book -- 2 The Extraction of Subway Graffiti: The Late 1960s to 1989 -- The Emergence of Graffiti as a Creative Practice: "Tags," "Pieces," and "Throw-ups" -- Official Reactions I: The Trope of "War," Technology, and the Eradication of Graffiti Writing -- Official Reactions II: New Discursive Strategies and "War" by Other Means -- Art Worlds and Cultural Media -- Toward a New Future
In: Visual studies, S. 1-2
ISSN: 1472-5878
In: The British journal of criminology, Band 56, Heft 4, S. 689-708
ISSN: 1464-3529
In: Qualitative sociology, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 297-311
ISSN: 1573-7837
In: The urban lawyer: the national journal on state and local government law, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 739-759
ISSN: 0042-0905
In: The urban lawyer: the national journal on state and local government law, Band 39, Heft 4, S. 983-1016
ISSN: 0042-0905
In: Social justice: a journal of crime, conflict and world order, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 78-97
ISSN: 1043-1578, 0094-7571
Kramer, Michalowski, and Chambliss (2010) have recently made a case "for" a public criminology of state crime. A public criminology would bring criminology into "a conversation with publics, understood as people who are themselves involved in a conversation" (Burawoy, 2007: 28). This article will analyze certain challenges that such a public criminology can mount to the bombing of civilians; it may contribute to the public discourse about how to resist this form of state crime. A public criminology of state crime can: (1) challenge the denial and normalization of the aerial bombardment of civilians, (2) challenge the political impunity and legal immunity of the state officials who commit these war crimes, and (3) challenge empire, one of the primary structural contexts within which state criminality occurs. Before these challenges can be analyzed, however, it will be helpful to sketch a theoretical narrative of how the area bombing of civilian populations evolved during World War II and became normalized, that is, accepted and approved within American political culture. Adapted from the source document.
In: The urban lawyer: the national journal on state and local government law, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 593-612
ISSN: 0042-0905
In: The urban lawyer: the national journal on state and local government law, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 825
ISSN: 0042-0905
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 567, S. 123-139
ISSN: 0002-7162
Recent school shooting incidents have served to highlight the social problem of lethal violence by young people in the US. While many factors need to be considered, it is argued here that broader social & economic forces (eg, poverty, inequality, & social exclusion) shape most of the problem of youth violence. These structural factors tend to foster violence indirectly through their impact on the close-in institutions of the family, school, & community. The organizing concepts of social support & informal social controls are drawn on to examine theory & research on the connections between economic inequality & social exclusion, the close-in institutions of family & community, & violent youth crime. It is argued that structural forces reduce the ability of families & communities to provide the social support & informal social control needed to prevent youth violence. Policy implications are briefly discussed. 35 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Peace review: peace, security & global change, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 171-175
ISSN: 1469-9982
In: Peace review: the international quarterly of world peace, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 171-175
ISSN: 1040-2659
Illustrates the problem of state violence, identifies its different forms, & describes the connections between state crime & traditional violent crimes. Of the three levels of violence defined, the state is directly involved in structural & institutional violence & indirectly involved in personal violence. Structural violence & state terrorism are linked to crimes of interpersonal violence through common social conditions, eg, economic marginality, mass social deprivation, community breakdown, & the US culture of militarism. L. Nguyen
In: Social justice: a journal of crime, conflict and world order, Band 16, S. 146-164
ISSN: 1043-1578, 0094-7571
In: Social justice: a journal of crime, conflict and world order, Band 16, S. 146-164
ISSN: 1043-1578, 0094-7571
A review essay on books by: Stuart L. Hills (Ed), (Corporate Violence: Injury and Death for Profit, Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Littlefield, 1987); & Francis T. Cullen, William J. Maakestad, & Gray Cavender, (Corporate Crime under Attack: The Ford Pinto Case and Beyond, Cincinnati, Ohio: Anderson, 1987 [see listings in IRPS No. 53]). These works address corporate crime & damage caused by corporate irresponsibility, & discuss social movements in the US opposed to corporate wrongdoing. Cullen et al argue that criminologists have played a major role in the social movement against white-collar crime, while Hill contends that criminologists need to extend their involvement. Hills also describes corporate offenses & heightens awareness of the harm caused by the illegal actions of US business executives. Cullen et al analyze the process of criminalization with regard to corporate crime, & assess efforts of social control directed at corporate offenders. 18 References. F. S. J. Ledgister