Suchergebnisse

Niniejszy artykuł stanowi analizę relacji polsko-chińskich w kontekście rosyjskiej agresji przeciw Ukrainie. Nakreśliwszy stan relacji dwustronnych w ostatnich latach, autor próbuje wskazać w jaki sposób zmiana sytuacji w bezpośrednim otoczeniu Polski po wybuchu wojny i utrzymujące się wsparcie Chin dla Rosji, wpłynęły na przewartościowanie relacji między Warszawą i Pekinem. Oprócz wskazania różnic pomiędzy prezydentem i premierem, w analizie wskazuje się również na czynniki osobiste, które mogą wpływać na percepcję współpracy z Chinami różnych ośrodków polskiej polityki zagranicznej.

FROM HAVEL TO PAVEL: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN CZECH-TAIWANESE RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF ONTOLOGICAL SECURITY
For two decades after the fall of Communism, the Czech Republic's values-based policy toward Taiwan was decisively shaped by President Václav Havel's political philosophy. In contrast, after 2012, Taiwan began to be gradually marginalised in Czech foreign policy as proponents of closer cooperation with China came to power. However, the end of the next decade brought another turn in CzechTaiwan relations. This article analyses continuity and change in Czech foreign policy through the lens of ontological security theory, pointing out that Taiwan (as well as China) has become an important element of Czech (inter)national identity after 1989.

Większość z około 10 milionów katolików w Chińskiej Republice Ludowej skupiona jest w tzw. Kościele oficjalnym, a więc znajdującym się pod zwierzchnictwem chińskiego rządu i oficjalnie nieuznającym prymatu papieża. Pozostała część zrzeszona jest we wspólnotach Kościoła podziemnego, którego biskupi nie są desygnowani lub aprobowani przez chińskie władze. We wrześniu 2018 roku Watykan i Chińska Republika Ludowa osiągnęli tajne porozumienie, dzięki któremu papież uzyskał prawo głosu w kwestii nominacji biskupów w kościele oficjalnym, a w zamian Stolica Apostolska uznała, przynajmniej część, biskupów uprzednio desygnowanych przez władze komunistyczne. Niniejszy artykuł analizuje przesłanki zawarcia tej historycznej umowy, stanowiącej element postępującej normalizacji stosunków watykańsko-chińskich, oraz jej bezpośrednie konsekwencje, zarówno na poziomie bilateralnym, jak i dla stron trzecich – przede wszystkim Tajwanu, dowodząc, że w obecnej sytuacji porozumienie jest korzystne przede wszystkim dla Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej, zarówno w wymiarze praktycznym, jak i polityczno-propagandowym.

Between 2017 and 2021 Donald Trump's administration published over a dozen strategic documents on China among which The Elements of the China Challenge seems to stand out as it outlines a longer perspective and sketches a wider framework for US policy towards China. This paper attempts to examine the major assumptions of The Elements, arguing that by putting forward an anti-imperialist rhetoric, the American policy-makers want to emphasize the systemic differences with China, the importance of which have long been underplayed by Western policy-makers who have given precedence to economic considerations. However, the analysis also gives weight to the argument that the strong ideological appeal in The Elements is also intended to mobilize the American allies, anchor them to the leader of the "free world," and reduce their tendencies to cooperate with China, including in 5G technology as in the case of Central and Eastern Europe.

The analysis discusses domestic sources of China's diplomatic offensive in Europe following the outbreak of Covid-19, with a focus on the central and eastern parts of the continent. By examining selected case studies of countries competing for Chinese medical supplies in the time of the global crisis, it demonstrates how the party-state leadership with "Xi Jinping at the core" has been promoting the narrative of its transparent and timely response to the outbreak of the pandemic, while at the same time nurturing its image as a (benevolent) global leader in the struggle against the coronavirus. The article argues that mask diplomacy has served two overlapping domestic and foreign policy goals: aiming to cover up China's leadership's failure to contain the pandemic in its initial stage, while also turning acts of foreign gratitude to its advantage in seeking domestic public approval and the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party governance. (JCCA/GIGA)

The study examines Czech–Chinese relations in the 2010s within the theoretical framework of relationalism, through the prism of which Czech ruling and financial elites have been trying to gain economic benefits from the partnership with China. These efforts are examined on several, often overlapping, levels, including elite, national and local. On the other side of the relational spectrum, in the process of improving ties with the Czech ruling elites, Prague was selected as the center of European operations of the powerful—at least until recently—CEFC China Energy conglomerate. This nominally private company, now taken over by the state-owned CITIC, attributed its operations not only to economic benefits but also as intended to strengthen friendly relations between the two countries: that is, as part of China's economic statecraft. Therefore, the practice and effects of the Czech efforts are examined in the relational context of Beijing's attempts to secure the support of the Czech ruling elites for China's core interests: Tibet, Taiwan, and (implicitly) Huawei.

The paper aims to discuss China's behavior in the developing world through the lens of the domestic model of governance. It does so by seeking analogies between three forms of Beijing's political approaches in domestic affairs: generating enthusiasm through slogan politics and promised incentives, informal networks, and coordinated development in China-led multilateralism with Africa and Central and Eastern Europe. By discussing the domestic-foreign policy nexus, the paper introduces the concept of China's vertical multilateralism. Finally, by broaching a new theoretical understanding, the paper decodes China's behavior in the regions mentioned above and provides an alternative model for understanding China's foreign policy in the developing world. (J Contemp China/GIGA)