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Thessaloniki, the second largest city in Greece, has seen a sudden attempt to establish LGBT politics during the last 5 years, due to movement mobilization and favourable local and European opportunity structures. The article suggests a multiscalar analysis of Thessaloniki Prides, which takes into account politics articulated by a series of actors located in distinct scales. These actors include institutional and religious authorities, as well as the local LGBT movement. The analysis demonstrates that Thessaloniki Prides are shaped by conflicting discursive blocks articulated through the national, urban/local, and transnational scale. Prides, as the most visible outcome of the local LGBT movement, become a collective action, which is shaped and continuously challenged by its embeddedness in these scales. This analysis brings new insights into the geo-temporal politics of LGBT politics, reminding that European periphery's sexual politics are located in a nexus of progressive cosmopolitanism and nationalist anti-modernity. In fact, the Thessaloniki case demonstrates that being part of the Western periphery places sexual politics between a globalist EU-ized discourse of modernity on the one hand and anti-secular views on heteronormative traditions on the other. Such a space is the setting where grassroots LGBTQ movements perform their politics.

Is queer really anti-identitarian? And how is it experienced at the European level? At queer festivals, activists, artists and participants come together to build new forms of sociability and practice their ideals through anti-binary and inclusive idioms of gender and sexuality. These ideals are moreover channeled through a series of organizational and cultural practices that aim at the emergence of queer as a collective identity. Through the study of festivals in Amsterdam, Berlin, Rome, Copenhagen, and Oslo, this book thoughtfully analyzes the role of activist practices in the building of collective identities for social movement studies as well as the role of festivals as significant repertoires of collective action and sites of identitarian explorations in contemporary Europe.

Defence date: 4 November 2014 ; Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta EUI/Supervisor; Professor Didier Eribon, University of Amiens, External Supervisor; Professor Verta Taylor, University of California-Santa Barbara; Professor Olivier Roy, EUI. ; Queer festivals make up a part of the legacy of queer activism, as it has developed in North America and Europe from the late 80s onwards. Their political discourse is based on a confrontational style of address, while their content is largely inspired by poststructuralist views of identities as a tool through which power operates (Butler, 1990). However, the 'constant deconstruction of identities… undermine[s] the claims to strength and unity of their own rights movement' (Jasper et al., forthcoming: 29). The anti-identity paradox (Jasper et al., forthcoming; or the 'queer dilemma', Gamson, 1995) entails the failure to avoid the construction of a new identity, built precisely on the same discourse it attempts to deconstruct. Thus, the following puzzle emerges: If we assume that queer politics are based on this 'anti-identity' paradox, on which kind of identity, then, can they mobilize? In other words, given that the identity they attempt to build leads to their selfdestruction, how can queer politics, over time, strengthen and spread across Europe?

Le 6 décembre 2008, Alexandros Grigoropoulos, un élève de 15 ans, est atteint mortellement par les tirs de deux policiers au centre du quartier gauchiste d'Athènes, Exarchia. Les émeutes qui suivirent, en réaction à ce brutal assassinat, ont marqué l'histoire politique récente de la Grèce. Des gens d'horizons différents ont partagé un même enthousiasme pour ce « soulèvement » en allant manifester dans les rues. Il n'en reste pas moins que dans le cadre du mouvement anarchiste/anti-autoritaire, au sens le plus large, certaines voix se sont élevées pour dénoncer le sexisme et l'attitude patriarcale que certains camarades masculins ont reproduite à cette occasion. De telles prises de position provoquent une série de questions concernant l'ensemble du mouvement et ses stratégies, éclairant des problèmes comme ceux de la violence, des comportements de genre et du masculinisme. Dans cet article, j'analyse le discours que développent ces militants, soit spontanément, soit collectivement. Les critiques couvrent un large éventail de questions, telles que celle des slogans criés à la face des policiers, celle de l'usage de la violence contre les agents et les institutions de l'État, ou celle de l'articulation de multiples identités sur un seul corps. L'analyse s'appuie principalement sur quatre sources écrites et, secondairement, sur diverses sources universitaires et journalistiques, ainsi que sur quatre entretiens conduits, à Athènes, en décembre 2010. Trois des sources écrites ont circulé à Athènes en Décembre 2008 et, par la suite, sous forme de tracts et de posters, mais on peut les trouver sur internet en grec ainsi qu'en anglais pour certaines d'entre elles. La quatrième est une analyse de genre des émeutes produite par un collectif anarcho-autonome de Thessalonique, écrite en anglais et publiée sur leur site web en décembre 2010. Ces sources présentent un intérêt particulier car elles explorent et analysent de l'intérieur les relations de genre entre des militants venant d'un même espace politique. Un point commun à toutes ces sources est l'usage fréquent de concepts tels que ceux de sexisme et de patriarcat. Dans mon article, j'adopte les outils théoriques et les principes méthodologiques qui sont associés au poststructuralisme. J'essaie de voir comment les concepts utilisés sont compris par ceux qui produisent les discours. Mais, en même temps, je m'attache à examiner comment moi-même j'interprète ces significations. Me sentant en solidarité avec nombre des revendications des militants, je suggère que d'autres interprétations des textes, fondées sur des concepts tels que ceux de masculinités hégémoniques ou d'intersectionnalité sont susceptibles de soulever d'autres questions et critiques à propos du mouvement dans son sens plus large et du futur des relations de genre en son sein.

Summarization: Depleted uranium is a low-cost radioactive material that, in addition to other applications, is used by the military in kinetic energy weapons against armored vehicles. During the Gulf and Balkan conflicts concern has been raised about the potential health hazards arising from the toxic and radioactive material released. The aerosol produced during impact and combustion of depleted uranium munitions can potentially contaminate wide areas around the impact sites or can be inhaled by civilians and military personnel. Attempts to estimate the extent and magnitude of the dispersion were until now performed by complex modeling tools employing unclear assumptions and input parameters of high uncertainty. An analytical puff model accommodating diffusion with simultaneous deposition is developed, which can provide a reasonable estimation of the dispersion of the released depleted uranium aerosol. Furthermore, the period of the exposure for a given point downwind from the release can be estimated (as opposed to when using a plume model). The main result is that the depleted uranium mass is deposited very close to the release point. The deposition flux at a couple of kilometers from the release point is more than one order of magnitude lower than the one a few meters near the release point. The effects due to uncertainties in the key input variables are addressed. The most influential parameters are found to be atmospheric stability, height of release, and wind speed, whereas aerosol size distribution is less significant. The output from the analytical model developed was tested against the numerical model RPM-AERO. Results display satisfactory agreement between the two models. ; Παρουσιάστηκε στο: Health Physics