Suchergebnisse

This article examines the long term impacts of Bolivia's partial privatization of state‐owned enterprises, known as capitalization. Despite attempting to introduce an innovative social component to distribute the benefits of privatization to Bolivian citizens, the lack of an adequate government regulatory structure meant that capitalization was unable to meet most of its objectives. While foreign direct investment rose between 1995 and 2000, these investments created few jobs and the taxes paid by the privatized companies failed to replace the revenue they had previously provided to the government. Capitalization has not reduced corruption but, rather, shifted the locus of rent seeking from the public to the private sector. The perception of the privatization of public resources led to increased social protest and political instability. The cycle of protests culminated with the resignation of the president in October 2003 following protests that left over 70 civilians dead. Rather than create a climate favorable for free markets, capitalization served as a catalyst to mobilize popular protest against neoliberal restructuring and may threaten the neoliberal economic policies in Bolivia in the coming years.Cet article étudie les impacts à long terme de la privatisation partielle des entreprises publiques boliviennes, désignée par 'capitalisation'. Malgré la tentative d'introduction d'une composante sociale originale visant à distribuer les bénéfices de la privatisation aux Boliviens, l'absence de structure régulatrice gouvernementale adéquate a empêché la 'capitalisation' d'atteindre la plupart de ses objectifs. Même si l'investissement direct de l'étranger a progressé entre 1995 et 2000, ces fonds ont créé peu d'emplois et les charges fiscales payées par les entreprises privatisées n'ont pas remplacé les recettes qu'elles apportaient auparavant au gouvernement. La 'capitalisation' n'a pas atténué la corruption, décalant plutôt la scène du parasitisme du secteur public vers le secteur privé. La perception de la privatisation des ressources publiques a accentué agitation sociale et instabilité politique. Le cycle de protestation a atteint son apogée avec la démission du Président en octobre 2003 après des manifestations ayant fait 70 morts parmi la population. Au lieu de créer un climat favorable à la liberté de marché, la 'capitalisation' a servi de catalyseur à la mobilisation de l'opposition populaire contre la reconstruction néolibérale, mettant ainsi en péril les politiques économiques néolibérales de la Bolivie dans les années à venir.

Current international development policies promote both free markets and democratic states through privatization and decentralization programs. Building on T.H. Marshall's concept of citizenship, this article examines how these programs have affected the rights associated with citizenship in Bolivia since 1993 when the administration of President Gonzalo Sänchez de Lozada introduced a broad set of economic and political reforms. His administration sold state firms that had accounted for 50% of government revenues at the same time as it adopted a new constitution that recognized the multicultural and pluri‐ethnic nature of Bolivian society. His administration also began decentralization programs in government, health and education that transferred 20% of national revenues, as well as the responsibility for providing services, to municipal governments. I show how current development practice has strengthened a neoliberal citizenship regime in which civil rights associated with ownership of private property, and political rights associated with formal democracy and representation, have been promoted at the expense of social rights associated with access to health, education and welfare.Actuellement, les politiques de développement internationales favorisent à la fois les marchés libres et les états démocratiques par des programmes de privatisation et décentralisation. A partir du concept de citoyenneté de T.H. Marshall, l'article examine comment ces programmes ont affecté les droits liés à la citoyenneté en Bolivie depuis 1993, date à laquelle le gouvernement du Président Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada a lancé un vaste train de réformes économiques et politiques. Il a vendu des entreprises publiques qui avaient représenté 50% des recettes de l'Etat, tout en adoptant une nouvelle constitution reconnaissant la nature multiculturelle et pluri‐ethnique de la société bolivienne. De plus, il a entamé des programmes de décentralisation au niveau du gouvernement, de la santé et de l'éducation, cédant aux autorités municipales 20% des revenus nationaux et la responsabilité de la fourniture de services. Ainsi, le développement actuel a renforcé un régime de citoyenneté néo‐libéral où les droits civils relatifs à la propriété privée, et les droits politiques relatifs à la représentation et la démocratie officielles, ont été avantagés au détriment des droits sociaux liés à l'accä%s à la santé l'éducation et l'aide sociale.

One of the thorniest issues in the recent historiography of Venice's mainland empire is the quality and justice of its governance. Michael Knapton has depicted the Terraferma cities — Vicenza, Verona, and especially Padua — as dominated by the Dominante, which governed harshly, and taxed heavily for the benefit of the capital, while others have viewed the mainland state as a patchwork of jurisdictions, with Venice retaining local custom and leadership wherever these served the interests of the central government. This paper argues that Venice's policy was in large measure the affirmation of custom, using the ancient institutions of the commune of the mainland cities as the basis for its rule, and confirming the remnants of the signorial élites as its new aristocratic governing class, which filled the offices of local government, especially the councils and judiciary. Fifteenth-century Padua prospered under this arrangement.

The Collegio was a central instrument of government in Renaissance Venice, but its development from an informal group of ducal advisors in the twelfth century to a formal institution in the fourteenth century is little understood. This paper traces the evolution of the Collegio's membership, role in the administration of justice and public order, and legislative policy. It concludes with case studies demonstrating the detailed functions of the Collegio.