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Recent scholarship has revived the notion that collective action is subject to both rational and emotional processes and that any account that fails to examine emotional dynamics risks a fundamental misunderstanding of the dynamics of collective action. Yet few studies have theorized the mechanisms through which emotions enable collective action. Without a proper identification of such mechanisms, any attempt to "bring emotions back" risks failing to address the complex but critical relationship between emotions and rational action and reverting to the classic "overly emotional" accounts of collective action. This article develops an emotions theory of preference formation by which emotions provide a commitment mechanism for activism by altering the salience hierarchy of personal identities and preferences. To bring empirical evidence to bear upon the theory, I examine the testimonials written by some visitors to the grave of Park Sung Hee, who cremated herself in South Korea in 1991.

Recent scholarship has revived the notion that collective action is subject to both rational & emotional processes, & that any account that fails to examine emotional dynamics risks a fundamental misunderstanding of the dynamics of collective action. Yet few studies have theorized the mechanisms through which emotions enable collective action. Without a proper identification of such mechanisms, any attempt to "bring emotions back" risks failing to address the complex but critical relationship between emotions & rational action & reverting to the classic "overly emotional" accounts of collective action. This article develops an emotions theory of preference formation by which emotions provide a commitment mechanism for activism by altering the salience hierarchy of personal identities & preferences. To bring empirical evidence to bear upon the theory, I examine the testimonials written by some visitors to the grave of Park Sung Hee, who cremated herself in South Korea in 1991. 1 Table, 65 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Protestant Reformation swept across Central Europe in the early-sixteenth century, leaving cities divided into Evangelical and Catholic camps as some instituted reforms and others remained loyal to the Roman Church. In offering a new explanation of the Reformation, we develop a theory that identifies ideologically mobilized students as bridge actors—that is, agents of religious contention who helped concatenate incidents of local insurgency into a loosely organized Evangelical movement by bridging structural holes. Building on existing literature, we offer a novel way to measure the influence of contending religious movements through university enrollments; we propose that the institution of reform can be partially explained by the varying degree of exposure that cities had to Evangelical activist and Catholic loyalist university students. Based on statistical analysis of a novel dataset comprising cities in the Holy Roman Empire with a population of 2,000 or more from 1523 to 1545, we find support for the role of university students as bridge actors linking critical communities at universities to arenas of urban contention. The greater a city's exposure to heterodox ideology through city-to-university ties, the greater its odds of instituting the Reformation.

With the pursuit of ethnic idenitity as an example, we deduce some testable propositions on ethnic mobilization and polarization from a graphic analysis of a purposive action model. The method allows incorporation of identity in collective action models. In a village of two ethnic groups, people pursue two idenitities, their own ethnicity and a shared villager identity. Pursuit of their identities is constrained by the inter- and intra-ethnic organization of the village. We show that under fragile" inter-ethnic village organization, small changes in ethnocentrism can precipitate much change in the ethnic relations, whereas when inter-ethnic organization is "robust, " inter-ethnic relations change little, even when ethnocentrism changes a great deal. The effects of ethnic mobilization are studied, as when ethnic moderates close ranks with extremists to create polarization. The pursuit of political identity (dissidents, pragmatists) in repressive regimes can be similarly modeled and studied for predicting opposition to the regime.

Takes the pursuit of ethnic identity as an example to deduce testable propositions on ethnic mobilization & polarization from a graphic analysis of a purposive action model, a method that allows incorporation of identity in collective action models. In villages of two ethnic groups, people have two identities, their own & a shared villager identity; pursuit of the former is constrained by village inter- & intraethnic organization. It is shown that under fragile interethnic village organization, small changes in ethnocentrism can precipitate large changes in ethnic relations, whereas when interethnic organization is robust, interethnic relations change little in response to ethnocentrism changes. The effects of ethnic mobilization & the pursuit of political identity in repressive regimes can be modeled using this method to predict political opposition. 9 Figures, 38 References. Adapted from the source document.

We develop a dynamic network model of collective action that explains how collective action can arise in the absence of selective incentives or disincentives from the voluntary action of can arise in the absence of selective incentives or disincentives from the voluntary action of among interdependent actors can yield a cascade of activism and result in a successful social movement.

Even though theories of democracy place emphasis on universal suffrage, little attempt has been made to measure the degree of suffrage in a broad range of countries. This article uses qualitative descriptions of suffrage to develop quantitative measures of suffrage for most countries of the world. We present annual suffrage measures from 1950 to 2000, provide basic descriptive statistics, & document trends in suffrage across the world. We also compare our measure of suffrage to two other measures available for 1968 & 1985. 7 Figures, 2 Appendixes, 37 References. Adapted from the source document.