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AbstractThis study examines the relationships between political engagement in school or university such as serving as speaker of class or organizing political events and xenophobia and political trust. Following interactionist socialization theory, political engagement during adolescence should shape ideas of citizenship, democracy, and equality and, thus, foster democratic resilience. Schools and universities are arguably key institutions to build trust in political systems and counter-authoritarian dynamics if they provide space for learning democracy by doing. The paper shows that, indeed, political engagement in the context of school or university limits xenophobic views and increases political trust. It further affirms that experiencing efficacy prevents perceiving immigrants as a threat. The original finding that political trust mediates the association between democratic experience and xenophobia further supports this reading. The paper provides evidence from nine European countries (including quotas for young people) for the importance of experiencing democracy through direct engagement at a young age.

Saxony remains a hot spot for far-right mobilization making it a prominent case for studying Neonazi-networks as well as broader issues of challenges for democracy. Local and regional mobilization has intensified during the political contestation of migration 2013ff. with Dresden's PEGIDA becoming a benchmark for regional regressive movements. During the pandemic, we observed yet another uptick in far-right mobilization, again deeply rooted in local networks that existed before the crisis and leading to a specific dynamic distinct from other regions in Germany. To explain this phenomenon, it is important to consider regional and local characteristics of identity formation, perceptions of 'winner-and-loser' dichotomies, and the broader challenges of global and European inequalities. As this contribution argues, here lie yet idle potentials for the comparative study of Euroscepticism and place.

This article investigates whether engagement in school or university, such as being the speaker of class, a member of a student council, and so on, has an impact on political participation and political trust. Following interactionist socialisation theory, engagement during adolescence should develop ideas of citizenship, democracy, and political participation. Schools and universities are arguably key institutions as they can promote democratic decision making in the classroom. This strengthens democracy by increasing experienced political efficacy and through internalizing democratic principles ('learning democracy'): by acting democratic, one becomes a democratic citizen. My findings show that respondents who experienced democracy in school or university indeed tend to vote and engage even in contentious forms of political participation more often. Also, the experience of democratic practices in school and university increases trust in political institutions. Moreover, trust in political institutions, in turn, increases the likelihood of voting, but not of engaging in other forms of participation. Thus, early democratic experiences seem to foster vivid and participatory democracy without streamlining people into passive participation. The article provides empirical evidence from nine European countries and an additional glance at young cohorts based on online panels.

Krisen sind interpretationsbedürftig. Dieses Buch untersucht, wie die deutschen Sozialpartner die Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise deuteten und kommunizierten. Im Fokus steht die Standortabhängigkeit der Krisendeutungen (Bauwirtschaft, Metallindustrie, Dachverbände) und divergierende wirtschaftspolitische Paradigmen (Markt- vs. Staatsversagen). Darüber hinaus werden strategische Aspekte der Kommunikation (Koordination und Konfrontation), die Aushandlung des gemeinsamen Konfliktrahmens sowie mögliche Auswirkungen auf die industriellen Beziehungen (Revival oder Krise des Korporatismus) untersucht.

"Der Beitrag analysiert als Fallstudie, welche unterschiedlichen Begriffe von 'Rechtsextremismus' in der sozialwissenschaftlichen Einstellungsforschung benutzt werden. Dabei wird deutlich, dass es beim Rechtsextremismusbegriff nicht nur um wissenschaftliche, sondern vor allem um politische Praxis geht. Zentral sind der Widerspruch zwischen der weiten Verbreitung rechtsextremer Einstellungen in der sogenannten 'Mitte' der Gesellschaft und dem Begriff 'rechtsextrem' sowie das vermehrt auch in der Einstellungsforschung rezipierte Extremismus-Modell. Letzteres wird als Anlass genommen, eine intensivere Auseinandersetzung mit dem Rechtsextremismusbegriff zu fordern, um nicht der fragwürdigen Logik dieses Modells zu unterliegen." (Autorenreferat)