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"Focusing on authoritarian rule, unresolved economic challenges, and external dependency, the volume explains the salient political and economic features of contemporary Egypt against the backdrop of its history since the beginning of the 19th century. Presenting a comprehensive account of developments, it challenges common assumptions about secularists, Islamists and revolutionaries as well as 'modernization', 'economic reform', and political stability. Discussing domestic politics, economic change, and external relations since 1945, the research argues that Egypt continued to draw a degree of strength from sustained state-building activities which its pre-colonial rulers could pursue in a favourable international environment and the partly related emergence of the county as a focal point of collective identity. More consolidated than many other states in the global south, Arab and non-Arab alike, independent Egypt despite changing economic strategies remained a (lower) middle-income country and despite repeated political contestation, most recently in the Arab spring, continued to suffer from autocratic rule. Such continuity reflects not only the interplay between political forces at home, dominated by the military, and inconclusive economic policies but also the external constraints under which governments and other actors in the global south have to act. Based on numerous primary and secondary sources in various languages including Arabic and years of fieldwork, the book is a key resource for scholars of all levels, journalists, policymakers, and diplomats interested in comparative politics, political economy of the Middle East and Egypt"--

The promotion of political reform, participation, human rights and democracy on the southern and eastern shores of the Mediterranean was a key objective for the European Union as it prepared the Barcelona conference in 1995. Today it is clear that these policies have failed to prompt an end to authoritarian rule. The authors of Democracy Building and Democracy Erosion analyse why EU policies have not produced major political impact, while remaining sensitive to changes that may translate into greater participation and respect for civil liberties. The question at the heart of this volume i

Tout en exposant les failles de la production de savoirs par « aires culturelles », cette contribution met en relief les apports et le potentiel de travaux menés sous cette enseigne aux connotations bien plus culturalistes que celle des « area studies ». Si elle cache souvent une interdisciplinarité superficielle, elle permet néanmoins la définition de problématiques indépendantes des contraintes posées par les disciplines telles qu'elles sont actuellement constituées. De même, elle est susceptible de renforcer la recherche en sciences sociales sur les terrains autres que ceux de leurs origines historiques. Par ricochet, l'étude des « aires culturelles » peut avancer l'interdisciplinarité là où elle privilégie les aires sur le culturel conçu comme variable nécessairement explicative et donc fondatrice d'un essentialisme qui est également incompatible avec le comparatisme.

Tout en exposant les failles de la production de savoirs par « aires culturelles », cette contribution met en relief les apports et le potentiel de travaux menés sous cette enseigne aux connotations bien plus culturalistes que celle des « area studies ». Si elle cache souvent une interdisciplinarité superficielle, elle permet néanmoins la définition de problématiques indépendantes des contraintes posées par les disciplines telles qu'elles sont actuellement constituées. De même, elle est susceptible de renforcer la recherche en sciences sociales sur les terrains autres que ceux de leurs origines historiques. Par ricochet, l'étude des « aires culturelles » peut avancer l'interdisciplinarité là où elle privilégie les aires sur le culturel conçu comme variable nécessairement explicative et donc fondatrice d'un essentialisme qui est également incompatible avec le comparatisme.

According to an increasingly dominant narrative, the 'Arab spring' was primarily prompted by a combination of the long term structural decline of MENA economies and sudden external shocks, in particular the global financial crisis and the attendant increase in commodity prices. It should nevertheless be noted that the Islamist winners of the first 'free' elections in Tunisia and Egypt advocate (d) economic and social policies that in many ways resemble those of their unelected predecessors. They immediately focused on demand side policies and proposed, in Egypt and Tunisia, respectively, a slightly modified form of economic nationalism and an updated and slightly modified form of liberalism. This article examines the major statements issued by the Islamist parties which, though not at the origin of the 2010-11 protests, were the principal beneficiaries of the subsequent elections. It also examines some key policies implemented by Islamist governments. The fad that the policies of these governments have been influenced less by popular demands expressed in the framework of the protests titan by the social groups that support them calls into question lopsided explanations that merely emphasize material loss, poverty and impoverishment. Adapted from the source document.

Since late 2010 large-scale non-violent uprisings and their ripple effects have transformed the politics of the Arab countries to an extent not seen in decades. The autocratic rulers of Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya were pushed aside while most of their counterparts elsewhere continue to face various forms and degrees of contestation. However, serious challenges to these authoritarian regimes have not (yet) entailed their complete and definite demise, with the possible exception of Tunisia. Developments on the ground illustrate that contestation from below, responses from above, and the transformation of individual political regimes closely reflect the history and the "nature" of each of the states concerned. At the same time they pose additional challenges to much critiqued but common assumptions about collective action in general and in Arab contexts in particular. On the other hand, the limited extent to which political regimes have been transformed so far partially supports recently contested assumptions about the resilience and longevity of authoritarian rule in Arab states. Whether or not developing into revolutions, recent change selectively echoes arguments about modernization and points to the continued topicality of Tocquevillian ideas. Adapted from the source document.

Sur la base d'une analyse des choix initiaux et des décisions prises par les coalisés pour la reconstruction politique de l'Irak, il s'agira d'examiner les attentes des différents acteurs et leurs relations réciproques avant d'évaluer leur impact sur l'avenir du pays. Si à terme, l'avènement d'un régime démocratique n'est pas exclu, un tel dénouement ne sera pas facile à négocier ni le seul possible.