Suchergebnisse

"Vor der Wiedervereinigung unterschieden sich die Systeme der Binnenwanderung in Ost-und Westdeutschland von einander. Während der Osten durch Binnenwanderung charakterisiert war, hatten sich im Westen sowohl intra- als auch interegionale Dezentralisierung als wichtige Wanderungstendenz herausgestellt. Zur Zeit der Wende wurden diese Tendenzen durch vorherrschende Strömungen von Ost nach West unterbrochen. Der Aufsatz untersucht, ob die Muster räumlicher Wanderung in den neunziger Jahren in beiden Teilen Deutschland konvergente Entwicklungen aufwiesen, und ob sich in den alten Ländern frühere Muster der Dezentralisierung wieder durchsetzen.Wichtige Zusammenhänge für Binnenwanderung werden durch Entwicklungen auf örtlichen Arbeits-und Wohnungsmärkten dargestellt, die hier für das östliche und das westliche Deutschland umrissen werden. Es wird gezeigt, dass Beispiele der Konvergenz für Ost-West- und West-Ost-Wanderung und für Suburbanisierung angeführt werden können. Dem folgt eine erneute Divergenz zu Ende des Jahrzehnts. Die Stellung der ländlichen Regionen in den Wanderungsmustern ist jedoch weiterhin ganz anders. Während das räumliche Gefälle von Ungleichheiten in den neuen Ländern dem von Ballungsgebieten zu ländlichen Gebieten in Ostdeutschland einem geringem wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Status an der ländlichen Peripherie entspricht, erfreuen sich in Westdeutschland viele ländliche Gebiete einer durchaus günstigen Stellung." (Autorenreferat, IAB-Doku)

In Germany, and particularly in Berlin, the fall of the Wall in 1989 and the years following reunification were accompanied by a large influx of immigrants. These 'new' migrants in Berlin are added to the long-resident guestworker population in the western part of the city. This paper investigates the housing situation of the increasing population of foreigners before and after unification as well as the changing segregation of ethnic minorities. After a comparison of the different housing systems in East and West Berlin and their consequences for ethnic segregation in the 1980s, the main elements of the housing transformation since 1990 are identified and related to the changing residential patterns of foreigners. The patterns of four selected nationalities with divergent migration motives are analysed in more detail. The paper draws attention to differences between East and West Berlin as well as to recent convergences between the two parts of the city.

Socio-economic structure and voting behaviour. The example of the national elections 1980 and 1983 in Essen The present exploratory study examines to which extent electoral data can be used as indicators for the socio-economic structure of an urban population. It is supposed that the spatial patterns of voting reflect the social, demographic, and religious-cultural segregation characterizing residential quarters in many German cities. For studying the continuity of such connections the two succeeding national elections for the German parliament (Bundestag) in 1980 and 1983 were selected. Both had rather different political consequences. Data were collected for Essen, one of the most important cities in the Ruhr agglomeration. The spatial structure of population and residences in Essen is marked on the one hand by distinct sectoral differences between north and south, with working-class districts in the north separated from the residential areas of the middle and upper class in the south. On the other hand, these broad sectors are filled with a mosaic of old urban and former rural cores, as well as with residential quarters of various building structures. If electoral data are useful as social indicators they should be expected to represent these complex spatial patterns. The voting behaviour was measured by the percentage of the electorate participating in the election and by the votes for the four parties with seats in the Bundestag (Social Democrats - SPD, Christian Democrats - CDU, Liberal Democrats - F.D.P., "green" alternative party - Grüne). As criteria for the social basis of voting, 43 independent variables were selected characterizing the socio-economic status, the demographic status, the religious composition, the mobility, and the housing structure of the residential quarters. Same correlation and regression analyses demonstrated that the electoral behaviour could statistically be explained by the most important variables with coefficients of determination ranging from 80 to 90 %. Although social status shows the strongest connections with party support, family status andreligious structure, including the percentage of persons without church-membership, showed significant effects as well. The level of voter turnout, which itself is regarded as an indicator of stability and social integration of a district, is particularly related to population mobility, marital status, and social status. In interpreting the results, ecological fallacies had tobe avoided. The literature about spatial voting behaviour often has postulated a neighbourhood effect leading to a strengthening of party support in homogeneous contexts. In continuation of this approach, the city was divided into 5 relatively homogeneous types of social areas by a cluster analysis. Correlation and regression analyses were computed separately for each type. The results showed on the one hand the stability or instability of some connections, on the other hand also clear context effects were visible. So it could be demonstrated that the effect of religion on party support is much more important in working-class districts than in the residential areas of the middle class. Finally two areal classifications are compared. The first defines types of similar voting behaviour, the second is concerned with the social areas. The remarkable similarity between these classifications confirms the role of electoral data as synthetical indicators of spatial social structure.

Eine kompakte und funktional durchmischte Stadt wird als urbanes Modell wieder angestrebt und das Leitbild "Stadt der kurzen Wege" ist ein Ausdruck dieses Ansatzes. Die Motivation für die Entwicklung des Leitbildes hängt eng mit Raumstrukturen, die in der Suburbanisierungsphase entstanden sind, und ihren Effekten (z.B. Flächenverbrauch, Anstieg von Verkehrs- und Umweltbelastungen) zusammen. Die Beiträge untersuchen Alltagsmobilität in den Bereichen Einkaufen, Freizeit, Wohnumfeld und Wohnmobilität in unterschiedlichen Quartierstypen Berlins. Auf der Basis umfangreicher quantitativer und qualitativer Befragungen wird untersucht, inwiefern das Mobilitätsverhalten der Bewohner mit dem Planungsleitbild einer Stadt der kurzen Wege konform geht.