Protecting Our Defenders: The Need to Ensure Due Process for Women in the Military Before Amending the Selective Service Act
In: Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly, Band 45, Heft 1
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In: Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly, Band 45, Heft 1
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The Iraqi state has a long history of division between Sunnis and Shiites. This conflict has often been violent and continues even today. Ultimately, this division dates back to the seventh century after the death of Muhammad. In order to better understand why there is a conflict between Sunnis and Shiites in Iraq and not other countries, it is essential to understand the similarities and differences between their ideologies but also how they have been rooted against each other throughout history. Therefore, I begin with a description of the similarities and differences between Sunnis and Shiites to show the common beliefs of both Sunnis and Shiites regarding the Islamic religion and why it is important to respect their differences. Then, it is necessary to determine how the conflict between Sunnis and Shiites in Iraq began and why it continues today. Lastly, using this knowledge, I will make recommendations to improve the current Iraqi government through a revised consociational democracy model in order to resolve conflict between Sunnis and Shiites.
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This Note addresses privacy concerns implicated by rising secondary data mining. Secondary data mining is the use of personal information for a purpose other than the original. This complex technology drives billions of dollars in commercial industry yet remains largely unregulated. This Note examines the current state of the data mining industry and the behavioral fallacies that belie societal concerns about online privacy. Further, relevant federal, state, and constitutional laws appear outstripped by these technological advances. An analysis of potential privacy solutions examines the advantages and disadvantages of implementing each one through the privacy community, the federal government, and the private sector. Finally, this Note concludes that implementing a solution through any one entity would not sufficiently protect against privacy harms. As such, this Note proposes a coregulatory solution to treat secondary data's privacy concerns as a market failure. This solution offers a practical way to safeguard personal data while aligning incentives between third parties and users.
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In: International peacekeeping, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 332-359
ISSN: 1743-906X
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 793-808
ISSN: 1467-9221
Over the last two decades, there has been increased interest in the role of emotions in decision‐making, with new theorizing to highlight how leader decisions often differ from rational choice and purely cognitive models. To date, however, existing theories have not adequately explained why emotions drive decisions in some situations and not others. This article posits that the variation in emotion's role in leader decision‐making likely results from currently undertheorized connections between leaders' stress arousal levels, stress loads, and emotions. It explores how leaders' neurobiological windows of tolerance to affect arousal influence their capacity to regulate their emotions and make decisions. It introduces the mediating role of leaders' self‐regulatory capacity—their capacity to regulate stress and emotions so that these phenomena do not drive resulting decisions—as an explanation for variation in emotion's influence on decision‐making. Finally, it formally illustrates the argument put forth by comparing two decisions made by U.S. President Bill Clinton as his window of tolerance varied over time.
The recent 'affect revolution' in strategic decision-making research has placed greater emphasis on the role of stress and emotions in decision-making, with new theorizing to highlight how leader decisions often differ from rational choice expectations. However, while existing theories add to our understanding of the interplay between affect and cognition, they have not yet explained why affect drives decisions in some situations and not others. Undertheorized connections between leaders' neurobiological windows of tolerance to affect arousal and their self-regulatory capacity—their capacity to regulate stress and emotions so that these phenomena do not drive resulting decisions—may hold the key to explaining this variation in affect's influence on decision-making. Furthermore, this article considers how leaders' windows of tolerance have unique ripple effects in their social environments, thereby affecting their groups' collective window of tolerance. While regulated leaders can convey a calming and creative influence in their organizations that helps the group access strategic decision-making, dysregulated leaders are likely to convey stress and emotion contagion—which may erode the group's ability to cooperate, adapt, and learn. It illustrates this argument using evidence from the upper echelons of governmental decision-making, comparing New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern's and US President Donald Trump's responses to the coronavirus pandemic in their respective nations. It concludes by offering hypotheses for testing the argument in future empirical research.
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In: Armed forces & society, Band 47, Heft 1, S. 77-105
ISSN: 1556-0848
The ability to regulate negative emotions is especially necessary for service members in the contemporary U.S. armed forces, since they routinely face situations that elicit negative emotions while executing their professional roles. Yet difficulties with regulating emotions, which are associated with stress and mood disorders, suicidality, and impairments in work performance, remain prevalent across this group. This article surveys research in five domains—recruitment and selection effects, military cultural pressures and coping strategies, training, common chronic stressors, and the contemporary operational environment—to highlight structural contributors to the heavy stress loads that U.S. service members often bear, which may contribute to their difficulty with emotion regulation (ER). It concludes with several recommendations that the military could implement to mitigate service members' stress loads and facilitate ER. Enhancing their ER skills may offer a long-term strategy to improve their resilience and performance.
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 147-163
ISSN: 1467-9221
AbstractPolicy makers and researchers have worked to explain the perplexing rise in U.S. military suicides since 2001, with little progress in explaining this widespread phenomenon. This article synthesizes several literatures to highlight the role of emotion dysregulation in military suicidality. After considering advances in suicidal ideation‐to‐action frameworks and the factors that contribute to the prevalence of emotion dysregulation in the modern U.S. military, it explores how military service provides for two distinct circumstances in which such emotion dysregulation may facilitate the transition from suicidal ideation to behavior. The first circumstance is high distress tolerance, wherein the effects of disproportionately high rates of adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) among service‐members may increase vulnerability to suicidal behavior. The second circumstance is preexisting acquired capability with lethal means paired with executive functioning degradation. Empirically associated with military environments, such degradation may undermine the effectiveness of top‐down emotion regulation strategies—thereby allowing acquired familiarity with lethal means to assist the transition from suicidal ideation to action. Thus, emotion dysregulation's unique relationship with the U.S. military may help to explain the powerful correlation between service and suicide since 2001—suggesting that enhancing emotion regulation skills may present a key leverage point for effectively addressing the issue.
In: Evaluation and program planning: an international journal, Band 45, S. 61-70
ISSN: 1873-7870
In: Evaluation and program planning: an international journal, Band 45
ISSN: 0149-7189
In: Journal of research on adolescence, Band 24, Heft 2, S. 293-308
ISSN: 1532-7795
The literature on adventure programming indicates that it is a promising avenue for cultivating positive youth development, but little is known about the conditions that promote positive outcomes. Here, we propose a model for youth adventure programming based on a synthesis of the extant research. The youth adventure programming (YAP) model proposed in this article describes the critical features YAP offers; the experiential learning cycle that occurs within successful programs; and five factors that appear to moderate outcomes. The known risks and limitations of these programs are also described. The YAP model identifies knowledge gaps and areas for further research and is also offered as a tool for program development and evaluation.
In: Developmental science, Band 24, Heft 5
ISSN: 1467-7687
AbstractLearning to walk allows infants to travel faster and farther and explore more of their environments. In turn, walking may have a cascading effect on infants' communication and subsequent responses from caregivers. We tested for an inflection point—a dramatic shift in the developmental progression—in infant communication and caregiver responses when infants started walking. We followed 25 infants longitudinally over 7 months surrounding the onset of walking (mean walk onset age = 11.76 months, SD = 1.56). After learning to walk, the pace of gesture growth (but not vocalization growth) increased substantially, and infants increasingly coordinated gestures and vocalizations with locomotion (e.g., by walking to a caregiver and showing off a toy bear). Consequently, caregivers had more opportunities to respond contingently to their infants during walking months compared to crawling months (e.g., "What did you find? Is that your bear?"). Changes in communication were amplified for infants who began walking at older ages, compared to younger walkers. Findings suggest that learning to walk marks a point in development when infants actively communicate in new ways, and consequently elicit rich verbal input from caregivers.
In: Journal of vocational behavior, Band 112, S. 64-76
ISSN: 1095-9084
In: Applied economic perspectives and policy, Band 41, Heft 1, S. 56-70
ISSN: 2040-5804
AbstractMillenials are the generation everyone is talking about and the generation who loves to talk about themselves. More than just a media buzzword, researchers, marketers, and retailers are interested in how the soon‐to‐be‐largest segment of the population is making food purchasing decisions. This paper uses the difference‐in‐difference method to determine the causal "millennial effect" on the share of income spent on various food expenditure categories. Data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics' Consumer Expenditure Survey was used to identify how young people's food expenditures compare to older people's in 2015 and in 1980. Results indicate significant "millennial effects" that might have policy implications for future health care spending. Millennials have higher demand for cereal, beef, pork, poultry, eggs, and fresh fruit and lower demand for "other" food, and for food away from home relative to what would have been expected from the eating patterns of the young and old 35 years prior.
In: State politics & policy quarterly: the official journal of the State Politics and Policy section of the American Political Science Association, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 172-197
ISSN: 1946-1607
AbstractThis article examines the relationship between party competition for control of governing institutions and legislative party polarization. Although the competition/cohesion thesis dates to the 1940s, it has never before been subject to a test with data from the 50 states. Drawing upon newly available data, we take stock of the evidence. Five measures of party competition are used: (1) the number of recent shifts of party control, (2) an index of party competition for state offices, (3) the closeness of presidential elections in the state, (4) the effective number of political parties in the state, and (5) the ratio of Republicans to Democrats in the electorate. Nearly all of these measures correlate with higher levels of party polarization in both the lower and upper chambers, and none are associated with a lower level of polarization.