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Takeaway food outlets offer limited seating and sell hot food to be consumed away from their premises. They typically serve energy-dense, nutrient-poor food. National planning guidelines in England offer the potential for local planning policies to promote healthier food environments through regulation of takeaway food outlets. Around half of English local government areas use this approach, but little is known about the process of adoption. We aimed to explore experiences and perceived success of planning policy adoption. In 2018 we recruited Planning and Public Health professionals from 16 local government areas in England and completed 26 telephone interviews. We analysed data with a thematic analysis approach. Participants felt that planning policy adoption was appropriate and can successfully regulate takeaway food outlets with the intention to improve health. They identified several facilitators and barriers towards adoption. Facilitators included internal co-operation between Planning and Public Health departments, and precedent for planning policy adoption set elsewhere. Barriers included "nanny-state" criticism, and difficulty demonstrating planning policy effectiveness. These could be considered in future guidelines to support widespread planning policy adoption. ; The NIHR School for Public Health Research is a partnership between the Universities of Sheffield; Bristol; Cambridge; Imperial; and University College London; The London School for Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (LSHTM); LiLaC – a collaboration between the Universities of Liverpool and Lancaster; and Fuse - The Centre for Translational Research in Public Health, a collaboration between Newcastle, Durham, Northumbria, Sunderland and Teesside Universities. This paper presents independent research funded by the National Institute for Health Research School for Public Health research (NIHR SPHR).The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health and Social Care. JA, MW and TB are funded by the Centre for Diet and Activity Research (CEDAR), a UK Clinical Research Collaboration (UKCRC) Public Health Research Centre of Excellence. Funding from the British Heart Foundation, Cancer Research UK, Economic and Social Research Council, Medical Research Council, the National Institute for Health Research, and the Wellcome Trust, under the auspices of the UK Clinical Research Collaboration, is gratefully acknowledged.

BACKGROUND:Greater neighbourhood takeaway food outlet access has been associated with increased takeaway food consumption and higher body weight. National planning guidelines in England suggest that urban planning could promote healthier food environments through takeaway food outlet regulation, for example by restricting the proliferation of outlets near schools. It is unknown how geographically widespread this approach is, or local characteristics associated with its use. We aimed to address these knowledge gaps. METHODS:We used data from a complete review of planning policy documents adopted by local government areas in England (n = 325), which contained policies for the purpose of takeaway food outlet regulation. This review classified local government area planning policies as having a health (diet or obesity) or non-health focus. We explored geographical clustering of similar planning policies using spatial statistics. We used multinomial logistic regression models to investigate whether the odds of planning policy adoption varied according to local characteristics, for example the proportion of children with excess weight or the current number of takeaway food outlets. RESULTS:We observed clusters of local government areas with similar adopted planning policies in the North East, North West, and Greater London regions of England. In unadjusted logistic regression models, compared to local government areas with the lowest, those with highest proportion of 10-11 year olds with excess weight (OR: 25.31; 95% CI: 6.74, 94.96), and takeaway food outlet number (OR: 54.00; 95% CI: 6.17, 472.41), were more likely to have a health-focused planning policy, than none. In models adjusted for deprivation, relationships for excess weight metrics were attenuated. Compared to local government areas with the lowest, those with the highest takeaway food outlet number remained more likely to have a health-focused planning policy, than none (OR: 16.98; 95% CI: 1.44, 199.04). When local government areas were under Labour political control, predominantly urban, and when they had more geographically proximal and statistically similar areas in the same planning policy status category, they were also more likely to have health-focused planning policies. CONCLUSIONS:Planning policies for the purpose of takeaway food outlet regulation with a health focus were more likely in areas with greater numbers of takeaway food outlets and higher proportions of children with excess weight. Other characteristics including Labour political control, greater deprivation and urbanisation, were associated with planning policy adoption, as were the actions of similar and nearby local government areas. Further research should engage with local policymakers to explore the drivers underpinning use of this approach.

Takeaway food outlets offer limited seating and sell hot food to be consumed away from their premises. They typically serve energy-dense, nutrient-poor food. National planning guidelines in England offer the potential for local planning policies to promote healthier food environments through regulation of takeaway food outlets. Around half of English local government areas use this approach, but little is known about the process of adoption. We aimed to explore experiences and perceived success of planning policy adoption. In 2018 we recruited Planning and Public Health professionals from 16 local government areas in England and completed 26 telephone interviews. We analysed data with a thematic analysis approach. Participants felt that planning policy adoption was appropriate and can successfully regulate takeaway food outlets with the intention to improve health. They identified several facilitators and barriers towards adoption. Facilitators included internal co-operation between Planning and Public Health departments, and precedent for planning policy adoption set elsewhere. Barriers included "nanny-state" criticism, and difficulty demonstrating planning policy effectiveness. These could be considered in future guidelines to support widespread planning policy adoption.

Takeaway food outlets typically sell hot food, ordered and paid for at the till, for consumption off the premises due to limited seating provision. Growing numbers of these outlets has raised concerns about their impact on diet and weight gain. This has led to proposals to regulate their proliferation through urban planning. We conducted a census of local government areas in England with planning power (n = 325) to identify planning policies specifically addressing takeaway food outlets, with a 'health', and 'non-health' focus. We reviewed planning policies using content analysis, and developed a typology. One hundred and sixty-four (50.5%) local government areas had a policy specifically targeting takeaway food outlets; of these, 56 (34.1%) focused on health. Our typology revealed two main foci: 'Place' with five targeted locations and 'Strategy' with four categories of approach. The most common health-focused approach was describing exclusion zones around places for children and families (n = 33). Non-health focused approaches primarily involved minimising negative impacts associated with takeaway food outlets within a local government area boundary (n = 146). To our knowledge, this is the first census of planning policies explicitly focused on takeaway food outlets in England. Further work is required to determine why different approaches are adopted in different places and their acceptability and impact. ; JA, MW and TB are funded by the Centre for Diet and Activity Research (CEDAR), a UK Clinical Research Collaboration (UKCRC) Public Health Research Centre of Excellence. Funding from the British Heart Foundation, Cancer Research UK, Economic and Social Research Council, Medical Research Council, the National Institute for Health Research, and the Wellcome Trust, under the auspices of the UK Clinical Research Collaboration, is gratefully acknowledged.

BACKGROUND: Greater neighbourhood takeaway food outlet access has been associated with increased takeaway food consumption and higher body weight. National planning guidelines in England suggest that urban planning could promote healthier food environments through takeaway food outlet regulation, for example by restricting the proliferation of outlets near schools. It is unknown how geographically widespread this approach is, or local characteristics associated with its use. We aimed to address these knowledge gaps. METHODS: We used data from a complete review of planning policy documents adopted by local government areas in England (n = 325), which contained policies for the purpose of takeaway food outlet regulation. This review classified local government area planning policies as having a health (diet or obesity) or non-health focus. We explored geographical clustering of similar planning policies using spatial statistics. We used multinomial logistic regression models to investigate whether the odds of planning policy adoption varied according to local characteristics, for example the proportion of children with excess weight or the current number of takeaway food outlets. RESULTS: We observed clusters of local government areas with similar adopted planning policies in the North East, North West, and Greater London regions of England. In unadjusted logistic regression models, compared to local government areas with the lowest, those with highest proportion of 10-11 year olds with excess weight (OR: 25.31; 95% CI: 6.74, 94.96), and takeaway food outlet number (OR: 54.00; 95% CI: 6.17, 472.41), were more likely to have a health-focused planning policy, than none. In models adjusted for deprivation, relationships for excess weight metrics were attenuated. Compared to local government areas with the lowest, those with the highest takeaway food outlet number remained more likely to have a health-focused planning policy, than none (OR: 16.98; 95% CI: 1.44, 199.04). When local government areas were under Labour political control, predominantly urban, and when they had more geographically proximal and statistically similar areas in the same planning policy status category, they were also more likely to have health-focused planning policies. CONCLUSIONS: Planning policies for the purpose of takeaway food outlet regulation with a health focus were more likely in areas with greater numbers of takeaway food outlets and higher proportions of children with excess weight. Other characteristics including Labour political control, greater deprivation and urbanisation, were associated with planning policy adoption, as were the actions of similar and nearby local government areas. Further research should engage with local policymakers to explore the drivers underpinning use of this approach.

Takeaway food outlets typically sell hot food, ordered and paid for at the till, for consumption off the premises due to limited seating provision. Growing numbers of these outlets has raised concerns about their impact on diet and weight gain. This has led to proposals to regulate their proliferation through urban planning. We conducted a census of local government areas in England with planning power (n = 325) to identify planning policies specifically addressing takeaway food outlets, with a 'health', and 'non-health' focus. We reviewed planning policies using content analysis, and developed a typology. One hundred and sixty-four (50.5%) local government areas had a policy specifically targeting takeaway food outlets; of these, 56 (34.1%) focused on health. Our typology revealed two main foci: 'Place' with five targeted locations and 'Strategy' with four categories of approach. The most common health-focused approach was describing exclusion zones around places for children and families (n = 33). Non-health focused approaches primarily involved minimising negative impacts associated with takeaway food outlets within a local government area boundary (n = 146). To our knowledge, this is the first census of planning policies explicitly focused on takeaway food outlets in England. Further work is required to determine why different approaches are adopted in different places and their acceptability and impact.

Takeaway food outlets typically sell hot food, ordered and paid for at the till, for consumption off the premises due to limited seating provision. Growing numbers of these outlets has raised concerns about their impact on diet and weight gain. This has led to proposals to regulate their proliferation through urban planning. We conducted a census of local government areas in England with planning power (n = 325) to identify planning policies specifically addressing takeaway food outlets, with a 'health', and 'non-health' focus. We reviewed planning policies using content analysis, and developed a typology. One hundred and sixty-four (50.5%) local government areas had a policy specifically targeting takeaway food outlets; of these, 56 (34.1%) focused on health. Our typology revealed two main foci: 'Place' with five targeted locations and 'Strategy' with four categories of approach. The most common health-focused approach was describing exclusion zones around places for children and families (n = 33). Non-health focused approaches primarily involved minimising negative impacts associated with takeaway food outlets within a local government area boundary (n = 146). To our knowledge, this is the first census of planning policies explicitly focused on takeaway food outlets in England. Further work is required to determine why different approaches are adopted in different places and their acceptability and impact.

Takeaway food outlets typically sell hot food, ordered and paid for at the till, for consumption off the premises due to limited seating provision. Growing numbers of these outlets has raised concerns about their impact on diet and weight gain. This has led to proposals to regulate their proliferation through urban planning. We conducted a census of local government areas in England with planning power (n = 325) to identify planning policies specifically addressing takeaway food outlets, with a 'health', and 'non-health' focus. We reviewed planning policies using content analysis, and developed a typology. One hundred and sixty-four (50.5%) local government areas had a policy specifically targeting takeaway food outlets; of these, 56 (34.1%) focused on health. Our typology revealed two main foci: 'Place' with five targeted locations and 'Strategy' with four categories of approach. The most common health-focused approach was describing exclusion zones around places for children and families (n = 33). Non-health focused approaches primarily involved minimising negative impacts associated with takeaway food outlets within a local government area boundary (n = 146). To our knowledge, this is the first census of planning policies explicitly focused on takeaway food outlets in England. Further work is required to determine why different approaches are adopted in different places and their acceptability and impact.

BACKGROUND: Food insecurity is a growing concern in the UK. Newspaper coverage can reflect and shape public and political views. We examined how frequently food insecurity was reported on in UK newspapers, how the problem and its drivers were described, and which solutions were proposed. METHODS: Using Factiva, we searched for news articles that were substantively about food insecurity and published in national UK newspapers between 01 January 2016 and 11 June 2019. We examined whether the number of articles differed over the study period, and conducted a thematic analysis to theoretical saturation using a random sample of articles. RESULTS: Overall, 436 articles met our inclusion criteria and 132 (30%) were analysed thematically. Reporting was more prevalent in the summer, with mentions of 'holiday hunger' among children, and leading up to Christmas, when charity was encouraged. Articles often contained views from advocacy groups and charities, who appeared to play an important role in maintaining news interest in food insecurity. From the thematic analysis, we developed themes related to the problems ('definitions of food insecurity' and 'consequences of food insecurity for individuals'), drivers ('insufficient income as an immediate driver' and 'government versus individual responsibility'), and solutions ('charitable food aid' and 'calls for government action'). The problem of food insecurity was often defined by food bank use or hunger, but other definitions and a range of consequences for individuals were acknowledged. Articles identified government as a driver of food insecurity, especially in relation to the roll-out of Universal Credit. Few articles proposed individual failings as a driver of food insecurity. The reported existing solutions predominantly focused on food banking and redistributing 'food waste'. The public, charities, and individuals experiencing food insecurity were generally portrayed as supportive of government action to tackle food insecurity. However, contention within government regarding the extent of food insecurity, governmental responsibility and potential solutions was reported. CONCLUSIONS: Food insecurity was a topic of significant interest within UK newspapers. Newspapers were used to call for government action and advocate for structural, income-based solutions.