Suchergebnisse

AbstractUnhealthy behaviours are more prevalent in lower than in higher socioeconomic groups. Sociological attempts to explain the socioeconomic patterning of health-related behaviour typically draw on practice theories, as well as on the concept of lifestyles. When accounting for "sticky" habits and social structures, studies often ignore individuals' capacity for reflection. The opposite is also true: research on individual-level factors has difficulty with the social determinants of behaviour. We argue that the pragmatist concept of habit is not only a precursor to practice theories but also offers a dynamic and action-oriented understanding of the mechanisms that "recruit" individuals to health-related practices. In pragmatism, habits are not merely repetitive behaviours, but creative solutions to problems confronted in everyday life and reflect individuals' relationships to the material and social world around them. Ideally, the pragmatist conception of habits lays the theoretical ground for efficient prevention of and effective support for behaviour change.

In qualitative interviews, challenges such as deviations from the topic, interruptions, silences or counter-questions are inevitable. It is debatable whether the researcher should try to alleviate them or consider them as important indicators of power relations. In this methodological article, we adopt the latter view and examine the episodes of counter-talk that emerge in qualitative interviews on cultural practices among underprivileged popular classes by drawing on 49 individual and focus group interviews conducted in the highly egalitarian context of Finland. Our main aim is to demonstrate how counter-talk emerging in interview situations could be fruitfully analysed as moral boundary drawing. We identify three types of counter-talk: resisting the situation, resisting the topic, and resisting the interviewer. While the first type unites many of the typical challenges inherent to qualitative interviewing in general (silences, deviations from the topic and so forth), the second one shows that explicit taste distinctions are an important feature of counter-talk, yet the interviewees mostly discuss them as something belonging to the personal sphere. Finally, the third type reveals how the strongest counter-talk and clearest moral boundary stemmed from the interviewees' attitudes towards the interviewer herself. We argue that counter-talk in general should be given more importance as a key element of the qualitative interview. We demonstrate that all three types of counter-talk are crucial to properly understanding the power relations and moral boundaries present in qualitative interviews and that cultural practices are a particularly good topic to tease them out.

Critical discussions on the focus group method have highlighted the importance of considering the forms of interaction generated in groups. In this empirical paper we argue that these forms of interaction are intimately linked to the ways participants interpret the study setting, and these interpretations are likely to differ significantly depending on participants' social backgrounds. In the light of our data consisting of 18 focus groups with 15-year-old school pupils from both affluent and deprived neighbourhoods of Helsinki discussing film clips about young people drinking alcohol, we ask what kinds of modes of participation are mobilised in focus group discussions in order to mark the social position of participants. We further analyse these modes in relation to situated identity performances, arguing that contextual factors of the study setting become especially important to consider when researching vulnerable groups and heterogeneous populations. The analysis yields three modes of participation: these are active/engaged, resistant/passive and dominant/transformative. We argue that these modes can be viewed as actively taken positions that reveal what kinds of identities and competences participants are able and willing to mobilise in the study setting, and that recognising these modes is important in all interview settings.

AbstractOver recent decades, sickness absence due to common mental disorders has increased among young workers. The phenomenon is mostly understood on the basis of epidemiological research, and knowledge regarding the viewpoints of young workers themselves is lacking. Our study explored the explanations for mental health‐related sickness absence in the narrative accounts of young workers in high‐risk health and social care occupations. Semi‐structured narrative interviews were conducted with 23 Finnish young workers (aged 21–34), with self‐reported sickness absence related to common mental disorders over the previous year. Our analysis identified three narrative explanations for the onset of mental health problems leading to sick leave: work as the sole cause, work as an additional cause and work as a trigger. These findings indicate that mental health‐related sickness absences form a complex phenomenon related to various life and work‐related circumstances. More comprehensive preventive measures are needed in the health and social care sector to help tackle mental health problems among young workers.