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The World Social Forum process has sought to provide an "open space" for diverse movements to exchange ideas, interact, and coordinate as they build another world. Despite this inclusive impulse, many of the forums have been disproportionately white and middle class. Through an ethnographic account of the 2007 United States Social Forum (USSF) in Atlanta, I examine one high-profile attempt to overcome this lack of diversity by establishing what I refer to as an "intentional" space. I argue that the intentional strategy pursued by USSF organizers achieved a high level of diversity in racial and class terms, but de-emphasized the role of the forum as a "contact zone" for translation, sharing, and exchange among diverse movement sectors. However, given the strong desire to overcome past exclusions among participants, the privileging of intentionality over openness and horizontality was widely viewed as legitimate, which has important implications for democratic practice.

The World Social Forum process has sought to provide an "open space" for diverse movements to exchange ideas, interact, and coordinate as they build another world. Despite this inclusive impulse, many of the forums have been disproportionately white and middle class. Through an ethnographic account of the 2007 United States Social Forum (USSF) in Atlanta, I examine one high-profile attempt to overcome this lack of diversity by establishing what I refer to as an "intentional" space. I argue that the intentional strategy pursued by USSF organizers achieved a high level of diversity in racial and class terms, but de-emphasized the role of the forum as a "contact zone" for translation, sharing, and exchange among diverse movement sectors. However, given the strong desire to overcome past exclusions among participants, the privileging of intentionality over openness and horizontality was widely viewed as legitimate, which has important implications for democratic practice. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the historical narratives inscribed in the material fabric of historic Jewish neighborhoods along a contemporary Jewish tourist route in Spain. Through an analysis of the guidebook, Paths of Sepharad, I explore the representation of Sephardic history and culture with respect to the growing popularity of heritage tourism and the creation of public memory. On the one hand, establishing a Jewish tourist route responds to a shift in Spanish tourism policy, which seeks to diversify the country's tourist offerings and capitalize on the widespread infatuation with the past. Paths of Sepharad thus aims to attract a new breed of tourist –the "post-tourist"– who is motivated by a nostalgic desire for fantasy, historical voyeurism, and cultural difference. On the other hand, the commemoration of Spain's tolerant, multicultural past and the appropriation of Sephardic heritage as its own contribu- tes to the image of Spain as a modern, pluralist democracy and helps contain potentially subversive discourses of radical "otherness". ; Este artículo examina las narrativas históricas que se extienden por el entramado material de las antiguas juderías dentro de la ruta turística judía en España. A través del análisis de la guía, Caminos de Sefarad, se explora la representación de la historia y cultura sefardí respecto a la popularidad creciente del turismo patrimonial y la creación de la memoria pública. Por un lado, la creación de una ruta turística judía responde a un cambio en la política turística española, que ahora pretende diversificar la oferta en el país y aprovechar la fascinación general con el pasado. Por lo tanto, Caminos de Sefarad quiere atraer a un nuevo tipo de turista –el "post-turista"– que está motivado por el deseo nostálgico de la fantasía, el voyeurismo histórico y la diferencia cultural. Por otro lado, la conmemoración del pasado tolerante y multicultural de España y la presentación del legado sefardí como algo propio alimentan la imagen de España como una democracia moderna y pluralista, a la vez que son útiles a la hora de limitar los discursos potencialmente subversivos del "otro".

This article examines how anti-corporate globalization activists have used new digital technologies to coordinate actions, build networks, practice media activism, & physically manifest their emerging political ideals. Since the World Trade Organization protests in Seattle, & through subsequent mobilizations against multilateral institutions & forums in Prague, Quebec, Genoa, Barcelona, & Porto Alegre, activists have used e-mail lists, Web pages, & open editing software to organize & coordinate actions, share information, & produce documents, reflecting a general growth in digital collaboration. Indymedia has provided an online forum for posting audio, video, & text files, while activists have also created temporary media hubs to generate alternative information, experiment with new technologies, & exchange ideas & resources. Influenced by anarchism & peer-to-peer networking logics, anti-corporate globalization activists have not only incorporated digital technologies as concrete tools, they have also used them to express alternative political imaginaries based on an emerging network ideal. 53 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2005 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

This article examines how anti–corporate globalization activists have used new digital technologies to coordinate actions, build networks, practice media activism, and physically manifest their emerging political ideals. Since the World Trade Organization protests in Seattle, and through subsequent mobilizations against multilateral institutions and forums in Prague, Quebec, Genoa, Barcelona, and Porto Alegre, activists have used e-mail lists, Web pages, and open editing software to organize and coordinate actions, share information, and produce documents, reflecting a general growth in digital collaboration. Indymedia has provided an online forum for posting audio, video, and text files, while activists have also created temporary media hubs to generate alternative information, experiment with new technologies, and exchange ideas and resources. Influenced by anarchism and peer-to-peer networking logics, anti–corpo-rate globalization activists have not only incorporated digital technologies as concrete tools, they have also used them to express alternative political imaginaries based on an emerging network ideal.

The first United States Social Forum (USSF) took place in Atlanta in the summer of 2007. To report and analyze this intense five-day event, we employ an innovative method, which we refer to as "distributed ethnography." This involves a large, multidisciplinary team of researchers who all contribute to our observational data and participate collaboratively in the writing and editing process. We consider how the U.S. political context shaped the character of this particular iteration of the World Social Forum. In particular, we analyze how the USSF reflected several ongoing debates within the larger World Social Forum (WSF) process: (1) whether the WSF should remain an open space or a political actor; (2) how to be more inclusive of the poorest and most marginalized social groups; (3) whether to pursue radical or reformist agenda; and (4) whether to target local, national, or global political arenas. A significant outcome of the USSF is that it challenged existing notions of open space by engaging in deliberate efforts to bring the most marginalized groups to the table. The U.S. political culture helped to mute overtly ideological debates, as many workshops and discussions instead focused on concrete projects, initiatives, and reforms. At the same time, many USSF organizers and presenters articulated a radical vision of revolutionary social change led by those who are most directly oppressed by prevailing systems of social, economic, and racial domination. Despite the many factors inhibiting radical politics in the United States, the USSF marks an important step in the process of bringing the larger struggle against global neoliberalism into U.S. politics. It also shapes the WSF process itself.

The first United States Social Forum (USSF) took place in Atlanta in the summer of 2007. To report and analyze this intense five-day event, we employ an innovative method, which we refer to as "distributed ethnography." This involves a large, multidisciplinary team of researchers who all contribute to our observational data and participate collaboratively in the writing and editing process. We consider how the U.S. political context shaped the character of this particular iteration of the World Social Forum. In particular, we analyze how the USSF reflected several ongoing debates within the larger World Social Forum (WSF) process: (1) whether the WSF should remain an open space or a political actor; (2) how to be more inclusive of the poorest and most marginalized social groups; (3) whether to pursue radical or reformist agenda; and (4) whether to target local, national, or global political arenas. A significant outcome of the USSF is that it challenged existing notions of open space by engaging in deliberate efforts to bring the most marginalized groups to the table. The U.S. political culture helped to mute overtly ideological debates, as many workshops and discussions instead focused on concrete projects, initiatives, and reforms. At the same time, many USSF organizers and presenters articulated a radical vision of revolutionary social change led by those who are most directly oppressed by prevailing systems of social, economic, and racial domination. Despite the many factors inhibiting radical politics in the United States, the USSF marks an important step in the process of bringing the larger struggle against global neoliberalism into U.S. politics. It also shapes the WSF process itself. Adapted from the source document.

The past two decades have witnessed the rise of a new global cycle of collective action not only organized through the Internet and made visible during mass pro-test events, but also locally shaped by diverse organizations, networks, platforms and groups. Focusing on specific cases in two Iberian cities — Barcelona and Lisbon — we argue that this protest cycle has given rise to new kinds of movements referred to here as 'new, new' social movements. We analyze particular aspects of each case, but also discuss their European and global dimensions. The article will also highlight the role of youth, discussing the characteristics associated with the participation of young people in the 'new, new' movements. After a short introduction to the research on this topic, focusing on the emergence of the 'anti-corporate globalization movement' and related theoretical implications, we provide a description of four protest events in Barcelona and Lisbon. Next, we analyze the local contexts that anchor these events. Finally, we discuss the main characteristics of the 'new, new' social movements, examining the links between Barcelona and Lisbon and the wider international context that shapes them and paying particular attention to contemporary networking dynamics.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of Illustrations and Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Introduction: The Cultural Logic of Networking -- 1. The Seattle Effect -- 2. Anti-Corporate Globalization Soldiers in Barcelona -- 3. Grassroots Mobilization and Shifting Alliances -- 4. Performing Networks at Direct-Action Protests -- 5. Spaces of Terror: Violence and Repression in Genoa -- 6. May the Resistance Be as Transnational as Capital! -- 7. Social Forums and the Cultural Politics of Autonomous Space -- 8. The Rise of Informational Utopics -- Conclusion: Political Change and Cultural Transformation in a Digital Age -- Appendix 1: Electronic Resources -- Appendix 2: Pink and Silver Call, Genoa, July 20, 2001 -- Appendix 3: Peoples' Global Action Organisational Principles -- Appendix 4: World Social Forum Charter of Principles -- Notes -- References -- Index