Suchergebnisse

Is the election result in a constituency affected by the amount of campaign spending there? This book, originally published in 1987 was the first major study of this important question. Based on extensive original research, it addresses two main issues: the impact of constituency campaign spending on election results in Britain: and the question of how that impact changes with the level of spending. The author develops a framework for analysing spending and its impact based upon American analyses of campaign expenditures, and focusses on general election results from 1950-83. Consideration is

This book illustrates the degree of variability in voting behaviour within social groups and suggests reasons for that variability. It reviews and critiques conventional analyses and presents statistical analyses of the geography of voting in England. The book reveals that substantial geographical variations exist in the widely-held generalisations, such as that white-collar owner-occupiers favour the Conservatives or that blue-collar council tenants prefer Labour.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Original Title -- Original Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- General Editors' Preface -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1 Spatial systems and spatial order -- 2 The national system -- 3 The urban place as a system -- 4 The international system -- References -- Glossary of terms used -- Appendix: The metric system, conversion factors and symbols -- Index.

A review essay on a book edited by M. Gallagher & P. Mitchell, The Politics of Electoral Systems (Oxford U Press, 2005).

Peter Morriss (see pp. 595–7) criticizes most applications of mathematically derived power indices, including mine and the response to my original Note. He uses uncomplimentary terms, implying that we are not only wrong but also fools for being wrong.

Garrett, McLean and Machover's critique (see pp. 563–8) of my recent Note on the use of power indices to analyse the UK's stance on qualified majority voting in the expanded European Union Council of Ministers focuses on both my choice of power index and the validity of the use of any such indices.

Conflict within the British Conservative Party over the European Union provided a great deal of copy for media political coverage during 1992–94. It was undoubtedly responsible for severely damaging the prime minister's reputation within his party and the country. In July 1993, he could only achieve ratification of the Maastricht Treaty by making voting for it an issue of confidence in the House of Commons, thereby obtaining the support of most 'Eurosceptic' Conservative MPs. Nine months later, failure to achieve the United Kingdom's goal regarding voting procedures in the Council of Ministers following enlargement of the EU in 1995 led to several calls for his resignation from among his own party's MPs, including one in the House itself.

Ausgehend von diesbezüglichen innenpolitischen Auseinandersetzungen in Großbritannien im Jahr 1993 wird das Abstimmungsverfahren innerhalb des EU-Ministerrats, vor allem dessen qualifiziertes Mehrheitsprinzip (qualified majority voting) problematisiert. Dabei wird die britische Position bezüglich der (als zu gering kritisierten) Vetomöglichkeiten im Ministerrat dargestellt und einer rechnerischen Ermittlung des "Stimmgewichts" (voting power) im Ministerrat gegenübergestellt. (AuD-Trn)