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How "Black" are they? Black Tea Partyers talk about race --Does it run in the family? The making of a Black Tea Partyer --"Personal responsibility"--panacea or placebo? --Our first Muslim president? Black Tea Partyers weigh in on Obama --Is this a real invitation? African Americans come to the Tea Party --Epilogue --Appendix: Interview questions.

AbstractThe multiple crises of Colombian‐Venezuelan borderland geopolitics, which include a rise in Venezuelan refugees entering Colombia, mounting armed conflict from illegal armed groups throughout Colombia and the mixed efficacy of policy responses by the government, are converging to drive an evolution in Colombia's security concerns. This convergence of crises rivals the security conditions of the early 2000's. As before, the government faces prolific armed conflict, loss of legitimacy over sovereign territory to a host of illegal armed groups, unchecked coca cultivation‐trafficking and illicit economies, and an overwhelming loss of confidence in the central government's abilities to govern and counter these threats. This paper argues that the cumulative effect of the nascent convergence of crises is the subsequent rise of mounting Colombian insecurity and threats to stability that now permeates throughout the country – spanning and linking rural, urban and borderland areas in unprecedented ways while driving Venezuelan xenophobia and social unrest.

"A gripping, twisting account of a small town set on fire by hatred, xenophobia, and ecological disaster-a story that weaves together corporate malfeasance, a battle over shrinking natural resources, a turning point in the modern white supremacist movement, and one woman's relentless battle for environmental justice. By the late 1970s, the fishermen of the Texas Gulf Coast were struggling. The bays that had sustained generations of shrimpers and crabbers before them were being poisoned by nearby petrochemical plants, oil spills, pesticides, and concrete. But as their nets came up light, the white shrimpers could only see one culprit: the small but growing number of newly resettled Vietnamese refugees who had recently started fishing. Turf was claimed. Guns were flashed. Threats were made. After a white crabber was killed by a young Vietnamese refugee in self-defense, the situation became a tinderbox primed to explode, and the Grand Dragon of the Texas Knights of the Ku Klux Klan saw an opportunity to stoke the fishermen's rage and prejudices. At a massive Klan rally near Galveston Bay one night in 1981, he strode over to an old boat graffitied with the words U.S.S. VIET CONG, torch in hand, and issued a ninety-day deadline for the refugees to leave or else "it's going to be a helluva lot more violent than Vietnam!" The white fishermen roared as the boat burned, convinced that if they could drive these newcomers from the coast, everything would return to normal. A shocking campaign of violence ensued, marked by burning crosses, conspiracy theories, death threats, torched boats, and heavily armed Klansmen patrolling Galveston Bay. The Vietnamese were on the brink of fleeing, until a charismatic leader in their community, a highly decorated colonel, convinced them to stand their ground by entrusting their fate with the Constitution. Drawing upon a trove of never-before-published material, including FBI and ATF records, unprecedented access to case files, and scores of firsthand interviews with Klansmen, shrimpers, law enforcement, environmental activists, lawyers, perpetrators and victims, Johnson uncovers secrets and secures confessions to crimes that went unsolved for more than forty years. This explosive investigation of a forgotten story, years in the making, ultimately leads Johnson to the doorstep of the one woman who could see clearly enough to recognize the true threat to the bays-and who now represents the fishermen's last hope"--

The trials of Alfred Russel Wallace -- Lord Rothschild's Museum -- The feather fever -- Birth of a movement -- The Victorian Brotherhood of Fly-tiers -- The future of fly-tying -- Featherless in London -- Plan for museum invasion.doc -- The case of the broken window -- "A very unusual crime" -- Hot birds on a cold trail -- Fluteplayer 1988 -- Behind bars -- Rot in hell -- The diagnosis -- The Asperger's defense -- The missing skins -- The 21st International Fly Tying Symposium -- The lost memory of the ocean -- Chasing leads in a time machine -- Dr. Prum's thumb drive -- "I'm not a thief" -- Three days in Norway -- Michelangelo vanishes -- Feathers in the bloodstream

The history of white-collar and corporate crime in our nation has been one of toleration. Throughout much of this century, the victims, the government, and the criminal justice system have been largely inactive in attempting to control this form of law-violating behavior. Asa result, occupational and organizational crime offenders have been treated preferentially in our courts when compared to traditional or common crime offenders. Beginning in the 1970s, however, public attitudes began to changeand the government and criminal justice system were given a mandate to pursue these offenders. This paper utilizes aggregate data on the U.S. District Courts for the fiscal years ending June 30, 1964, 1974, and 1984, and is designed to investigate whethera shift in criminal justice policy (arising from public concerns over corporate and white-collar crime) has been put into effect. That is, have equitableoperational policies for the adjudicationand sentencing of corporate, white-collar, and common crime offenders evolved over the past three decades? The conclusions drawn from the data suggest that while corporate and white-collar criminals are more frequently being brought to the attention of the courts, and have beenreceiving more and moreserious sanctions, they are still receiving more lenient penalties for their actions than are common property crime offenders.