Suchergebnisse

"In Linguistic Landscaping and the Pacific Region: Colonization, Indigenous Identities, and Critical Discourse Theory, Diane Elizabeth Johnson provides four case studies, each exploring the use of language in public spaces in an area of the Pacific in which colonization has played a major role: Hawai'i, Aotearoa/ New Zealand, New Caledonia, and Tahiti. Each of these studies is informed by critical discourse theory, a theory which highlights the ways in which hegemonic structures may be established, reinforced, and- particularly in times of crisis-contested and overturned. The book introduces the case studies in the context of a parallel introduction to the Pacific region, critical discourse theory, and research on linguistic landscapes. The critical discussion is accessible to students and others who are approaching these contexts and theories for the first time, while also providing locating the author's work in relation to existing scholarship. Johnson urges readers to listen carefully to the voices of indigenous peoples at a time when the danger of Western certainties has been fully exposed"--

The mass media are a special case of interest articulation in a democracy because they play two distinct roles. On the one hand, mass media provide information about efforts by various interest groups to influence public policy. On the other hand, being interest groups themselves, the mass media work to protect and advance their own interests. This article examines the compatibility of these two roles in Argentina and Uruguay by placing this in a broader discussion about the role of lobbying in democratic societies. The evidence suggests that despite impediments to the media's ability to fulfill both roles simultaneously, some have performed a credible job. The best explanation for the variance in performance among the media outlets includes a combination of the following factors: the size and density of the media market, patterns of media ownership, the relative strength of the state vis‐à‐vis the media, levels of public advertising, and the particular practices adopted by individual media companies. Evidence suggests that neither the traditional distinction between corporatist and pluralist societies nor government regulation of lobbying plays a dominant role in determining the media's performance. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Abstract


For much of Argentina's history, key groups representing labour, big business and agriculture went directly to the executive branch rather than working through the relatively weak national Congress or political parties. Political instability both contributed to, and resulted from, this tendency. Since the return to democracy in 1983, the process of interest articulation has manifested both continuity and change. Although the system remains distinct from the traditional models of pluralism and corporatism in the U.S. and Western Europe, the adoption of 'neoliberal' economic policies and the gradual institutionalization of democracy have led to an incremental but, as yet, incomplete shift from a form of corporatism to one that is more pluralistic. While neither globalization nor pluralism guarantee democratic stability, the resultant changes in these contexts are likely to be more conducive to democratic stability and government accountability in Argentina than the old system of interest articulation. However, Argentina has no general law regulating lobbying practices, despite efforts to pass one in the recent years.

Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The rise of populist nationalism in comparative perspective : Europe and the Americas / Fernando López-Alves and Diane E. Johnson -- Populist nationalism in Europe and the Americas: past, present, and future / Fernando López-Alves -- Why the nation never really went away / Gregory Jusdanis -- Comparing cabals : the role of conspiracy ideation in right-wing populist groups in the US and UK / Kristin Haltinner and Jackie Hogan -- Populist nationalism in Ukraine / Mikhail A. Molchanov -- "Mut zu Deutschland!" on the populist nationalism of the Alternative für Deutschland / Joseph Sterphone -- Nation, people and national populisms in contemporary Spain / Raúl Moreno-Almendral -- Populist nationalism and Brexit : the power of memory and desire / Atul Singh -- From "empty lands" to "empty signifiers": nativism, race, gender, and populist nationalism / Jasmine Noelle Yarish -- Populism and nationalism in US politics / Mark D. Brewer -- Donald Trump, the Republican party, and the scourge of populism / John Kenneth White -- Global model or unique experiment : multiculturalism and nationalism in Canada / Martin N. Marger -- Populist and nationalist attitudes in contemporary Latin America : an exploratory analysis / Barry S. Levitt -- Inculcating populist nationalism? Education and ideological change in Venezuela / Matthias vom Hau, Jared A. Abbott, and Hillel David Soifer -- The long and ideologically-fluid tradition of populist nationalism in Argentina / Diane E. Johnson -- The future of populist nationalism in Europe and the Americas / Diane E. Johnson and Fernando López-Alves.

Introduction to the MARLAS special issue on the COVID-19 in Latin America, with table of contents Introducción al número especial de MARLAS sobre el COVID-19 en Latinoamérica, con la tabla de contenido

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine the mediating role of perceived procedural justice and interactional justice on the relationship between moral leadership and the four psychological empowerment dimensions manifested in individuals' perceptions of meaning, competence, self‐determination, and impact.Design/methodology/approachData from 241 subordinates, who reported to 110 supervisors, were collected from clothing companies in southern mainland China. The subordinates responded to a self‐report survey, which consisted of the variables of interest. Because of the nature of nested data, hierarchical linear regression (HLM 6.0) was used for analysis.FindingsA fully mediated model of perceived justice was supported. Procedural justice and interactional justice were found to be differentially associated with the elements of psychological empowerment. Specifically, while perceived procedural justice accounted for more unique variance in the empowerment facets of meaning, competence, and impact, perceived interactional justice accounted for more unique variance in the facet of self‐determination.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the literature by first examining the relationships among moral leadership, two types of perceived justice, and the four empowerment dimensions in the Chinese context. A detailed discussion of the implication for both researchers and practitioners is also provided.

Purpose
– The purpose of this paper is to explore what individuals perceive as social identity threats, the sources of the threat, individuals' responses, and the consequences of the threat.


Design/methodology/approach
– Narratives from 224 individuals were collected. A sample of 84 narratives were analyzed in depth using a qualitative content analysis approach.


Findings
– Initial support for identity threat response theory was found. Three new distinct threat responses – constructive action, ignore, and seek assistance – were uncovered. Additionally, harm/loss appraisals were found to be perceived and reacted to similarly to Petriglieri-defined identity threats.


Originality/value
– This study contributes to identity scholarship by shedding further light on the "theoretical black box" associated with identity threat. Such insight is necessary in further enhancing our understanding of the impact that identity threat has at the individual and organizational level.

This benchmark study of the political party–interest group relationship—crucial in shaping the characteristics of democratic political systems—provides an in-depth analysis of the connection between special interests and political parties across thirteen democracies: Argentina, Britain, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Israel, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Poland, Spain, Sweden, and the United States