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Clearly, a new agenda is emerging for private international banks. Political issues such as human rights seem to be a current concern. But what about democracy? What about political regimes? Are they taken into account by private banks when they decide whether to invest in a country? Put another way, do private banks have democratic political preferences? In this article, we focus on cross-border lending from international bank(er)s. The questions asked are as follows. Do bank(er)s react positively (that is by increasing their lending) when an emerging democracy appears? Do we witness increased bank lending after democratic transitions? Lastly, is there any relation between democratic consolidation and bank lending?

Clearly, a new agenda is emerging for private international banks. Political issues such as human rights seem to be a current concern. But what about democracy? What about political regimes? Are they taken into account by private banks when they decide whether to invest in a country? Put another way, do private banks have democratic political preferences? In this article, we focus on cross-border lending from international bank(er)s. The questions asked are as follows. Do bank(er)s react positively (that is by increasing their lending) when an emerging democracy appears? Do we witness increased bank lending after democratic transitions? Lastly, is there any relation between democratic consolidation and bank lending? [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright 2008 International Political Science Association.]

This paper investigates the main mechanisms of Europeanization of regional policies in Spain. Drawing from rationalist and constructivist approaches we study the inputs, processes and mechanisms of Europeanization as well as the outputs produced in Spain from 1986 to 2020. As there is little systematic research on the impact of EU regional policy on the Spanish regional policies, we use a number of different research strategies to fill this gap in the literature. The added value of the paper is to, first, increase the time span of study, and second, analyze the Europeanization of Spanish regions at the polity level (i.e. patterns of governance and domestic institutional change) as well as the policy level (i.e. Spanish regional policies). In addition, we also study the Europeanization of Spanish regions and a selected number of MS looking at aggregated data. Results show that both Spanish regional polity and policy have been Europeanized, as well as some autonomous communities and countries. These findings open the way for new avenues of research that study the circumstances under which regional policies are more effective both within and between Member States.

Abstract
Gender issues are of growing importance in the European and Spanish rural areas. The literature reflects that women have traditionally been linked to marginal positions in economic life, social activities and even political representation at the local level. Local development programs that have been implemented in Europe's rural areas have had among its objectives the improvement of the articulation of local communities. To reach them, it has been fostered, among others, a gender perspective, promoting both productive activities led by women and their participation as stakeholders in the management and decision-making structures of such programmes. In this paper, we addressed this latter issue. The study focuses on a sample of 30 relevant social actors linked to the implementation of a rural development programme in the county of Rincón de Ademuz (Valencia, Spain) from the mid-1990s to recent date. Through Social Network Analysis, gender differences and women's roles within the social network are studied in two differentiated periods. This analysis reveals that despite women representing a minority among the relevant stakeholders, their level of participation, prestige, position in the network, and frequency of relationships, among other indicators, are comparable with respect to those sustained by men. Therefore, it cannot be said, as reflected in some of the literature, that women tend to occupy marginal positions in the structure of social relations of local development programs.

The extant literature on the Mexican political system is often interested in analyzing the effect of electoral reforms, or some other contextual factor, on the political configuration of the Chamber of Deputies. From an empirical point of view, statistical estimation of such effects is a cumbersome task that requires some programming skills. In this research note we seek to contribute to the study of the Mexican electoral system & the Congress in two ways. First, we introduce a statistical model to analyze the composition of seats of the Mexican Chamber. Second, we facilitate the implementation of this model with the software are camaradip, a Stata module developed by the authors that allows for the estimation of quantities of interest regarding the Chamber via Monte Carlo simulations. To illustrate the applicability of our model, we evaluate the hypothetical impact of two electoral reforms: the effect of making all local & federal elections concurrent, & the reduction of the number of proportional representation seats. Adapted from the source document.