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This empirical work illuminates how China uses the higher education mechanism in South Asia to advance its national interests and investigates the outcomes for China, including both challenges and opportunities. Using a soft power theoretical framework, this book employs the case study of Nepal, a South Asian country of profound geostrategic value for the two competing powers of China and India. Illustrating how higher education is the mechanism for achieving soft power goals, it draws on data analysis based on archival sources and interviews with China and South Asia experts, including academics and politico-bureaucratic elites, as well as interviews with Nepalese students and alumni. Importantly though, this book advances an innovative conceptual model of geointellect to trace the evolving dimensions of China's global dominance in higher education, research, and innovation paradigm, especially in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative and ultimately reveals how foreign policy and higher education policy reinforce each other in the context of China. China's Soft Power and Higher Education in South Asia provides an empirically rich resource for students and scholars of education, international relations, Asian studies, and China's soft power.

Purpose
A qualitative development is discernible in China's pursuit of global influence in knowledge following the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China has embarked on expanding the frontiers of its higher education and research enterprise in different geographies, a subset of its global power project. This paper employs the geointellect concept to analyze this phenomenon.


Design/methodology/approach
The paper applies the geointellect model, formed inductively, to illuminate China's geographical expanse in higher education and research.


Findings
The BRI has provided a platform for China to shape the educational architecture of the participating countries, apart from receiving a boost in its prestige by leading educational alliances and opening overseas research centres. In quantitative terms, it has made progress in specific knowledge metrics. Nevertheless, certain challenges and limitations need to be overcome.


Research limitations/implications
The role of a foreign policy in boosting a country's knowledge profile has been identified. Future research directions have been provided in using the geointellect model.


Practical implications
This study provides a direction to evaluate the implications of China's foreign policy for its knowledge segment, especially in terms of capturing its leading prowess in higher education and research.


Originality/value
It contributes a conceptual model to capture the different facets of China's geointellect, with foreign policy, geography, higher education, and research being its constituents.

In just over six years, China's Belt and Road Initiative has swiftly expanded to vast swaths of the globe, with as many as 138 countries signing on. In 2017, President Xi Jinping's signature project was incorporated into the Chinese constitution, assuming extraordinary significance as the "project of the century." China has couched the program in multilateral terms, with a promise of shared benefits through road and maritime connectivity projects, reviving the ancient Silk Road and revivifying the spirit of commercial, cultural and academic exchange. Cooperation among member countries is envisaged in policy coordination, facilities connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial integration, and people-to-people bonds. However, an active debate has ensued surrounding China's motivations and the initiative's potential outcomes for the host countries. Against this backdrop, I examine the economic implications for host countries and regions, using a geo-economic analytical framework.

Environmental integrity can be a critical factor for political stability. China, the world's second largest economy and largest manufacturing nation, is a fit case for such investigation. China achieved an annual average GDP growth rate of 9.7% between 1979 and 2009, and 10.5% per year between 2001 and 2010. The impressive growth, however, brought in its trail environmental degradation, especially pollution, which spawned respiratory diseases and threatened life expectancy, apart from forming "cancer villages." This paper examines and evaluates the criticality and magnitude of the political implications of environmental pollution for the Chinese Community Party (CCP) by taking mass protests and dilemmatic issues into account, as well as offering a critique of the CCP's green growth strategy. The paper concludes that in the activism-social-media-charged atmosphere, trust building between state and society is essential, especially by launching proactive crackdown on pollution and communicating the genuineness of anti-pollution efforts to the public. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

Purpose
This introductory essay historicizes the evolution of China's geopolitical strategy from the Maoist era (1949–1976) to the present. It examines the Chinese strategic thinking in four spatial settings: Eurasia, maritime Southeast Asia, the Indian subcontinent and the wider Indo-Pacific region. The Chinese strategic concerns are comparable across these regions, but the ability to pursue security interests is contingent on many circumstantial factors. This study refers to some snapshots of the ongoing regional disputes to discuss the continuities and breakpoints in China's strategic outreach in a multipolar world.


Design/methodology/approach
This study draws on the scholarly literature and policy papers to examine the interrelated forces that shape China's rise to regional dominance: how Beijing has co-opted a series of global and regional crises for its rise to domination; how China, the USA and neighbouring countries have adjusted and adapted to a new changing international order; and how major powers in littoral and maritime Asia respond to an increasingly assertive Chinese state.


Findings
This study documents the combination of smart, soft and sharp power that China has deployed, since the global financial crisis of 2008, to enforce its dominance against the USA across the Pacific Rim and Eurasia. It argues that General Secretary of the Chinese Communist PartyXi Jinping initially launched the Belt and Road Initiative to respond to former US President Barak Obama's policy of rebalancing Asia, and he has expanded these expansionary projects to counter US President Donald Trump's "America First" doctrine, thereby asserting Chinese influence abroad and tightening control against discontented populations at home.


Research limitations/implications
Many Western policy analysts are wondering whether a rising China will be a "status quo" state or a revisionist state that attempts to challenge the existing world order. The lack of clarification from Beijing has prompted Washington to shift from a longstanding strategy of diplomatic engagement to that of geostrategic containment to balance against China.


Originality/value
The strategic goals of China in the early 21st century pertain to security reassurance, access to energy resources and national image building. Since the global financial crisis of 2008, China has become immensely confident of its own socio-economic accomplishments and scornful of what it perceives as an American conspiracy to undermine its rise to power. Following in the footsteps of the USA in the post-Second World War era, Japan in the 1980s and Taiwan in the 1990s, Beijing has used international commercial activities and business contracts to achieve specific political, strategic and diplomatic objectives.