Suchergebnisse

The performance of Republican & Democratic candidates in the 2000 US congressional election is studied. An overview of the Democratic Party's control over Congress during the late 1980s & early 1990s & the Republican Party's subsequent acquisition of control between 1994 & 2000 is presented; popular predictions of the congressional election's outcome are also reviewed. An analysis of four potential scenarios for the election's outcome revealed that the most likely result -- the Republican Party's continued control over Congress & acquisition of the presidency -- actually occurred. After discussing the election's final result, it is claimed that two models -- deep partisanship & bipartisan coalition-building -- can be used to explain future executive-legislature relations. The Clinton administration's experience with the deep partisanship model & George W. Bush's assertion that bipartisanship can be achieved are then addressed. It is concluded that bipartisanship is necessary to effectively tackle the US's principal problems. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 22 References. J. W. Parker

448 S'S FROM 3 PREDOMINANTLY BLACK COLL'S, BLACK SCHOOL AGE NONSTUDENTS, BLACK JOB-TRAINING-PROGRAM (FOR UNEMPLOYED OR UNDER-EMPLOYED) ENTRANTS & S'S FROM A PREDOMINANTLY WHITE COLL, WERE STUDIED IN THE SOUTH IN 1968-69. BOTH COLL GROUPS WERE HETEROGENEOUS IN SE BACKGROUND; THE NONSTUDENT GROUPS WERE FROM LOW SE LEVELS. A QUESTIONNAIRE BASED ON PERSONAL-ANOMIE, POLITICAL EFFICACY, & POLITICAL CYNICISM SCALES MEASURED 4 FACTORS OF ALIENATION: (1) FOCUS (FROM SOCIETAL NORMS, GOVERNMENT OR PEOPLE RUNNING THE GOVERNMENT); (2) FORM (DISTRUST & HOPELESSNESS); (3) MODE (TRADITIONAL PROTESTS OF GIVING MONEY, TALKING POLITICS, ETC OR ACTIVE PROTESTS OF PICKETING, MARCHING & SITTING-IN), & (4) AGENT (CAUSE). SOUTHERN BLACK YOUTH ARE ALIENATED IN THE AREA OF POLITICAL CYNICISM & SCORE HIGH ON PERSONAL MORALE & POLITICAL EFFICACY. HIGH FEELINGS OF MOTIVATION & EXPECTATION TOWARD POLITICS BALANCE GROWING MISTRUST & EXPECTED LACK OF RESPONSE FROM THE GOVERNMENT. ALIENATION COMBINED WITH APATHY WOULD MAKE NO CHANGE; ALIENATION COMBINED WITH HIGH ACTIVITY MAY LEAD TO OVERT POLITICAL REVOLUTION. FINDING RELATIVE OPTIMISM & POSITIVE ATTITUDES IN THESE SOUTHERN BLACK YOUTH SUGGESTS THEIR DIFFERENCE FROM YOUTH IN THE REST OF THE NATION. THE RESPONSIVENESS OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM TO THIS SENSE OF ACTIVISM & CYNICISM WILL MAKE THE DIFFERENCE TOWARD EVENTUAL ACTION. 10 TABLES. T. BABITSKY.

McClosky's classic study of party leaders and followers is replicated and extended using 1980 data on party elites, party followers, and the mass public. Dramatic interparty differences emerge in terms of liberalism-conservatism and views on public policy issues. As in the McClosky study, party elites tend to take relatively extreme issue positions, while the mass public continues to occupy a centrist position.

This article has two major objectives. First, it offers an examination of some important characteristics of the delegates to the 1976 Democratic National Convention, and comparisons are made with other recent conventions. Those 1976 delegate characteristics are also placed in the context of recent changes in the delegate selection rules. The second objective is to demonstrate empirically the extent to which the delegate selection rules and/ or the group characteristics of the delegates have a systematic impact on the dele gates' candidate preferences. In addition, several other more "political" variables are examined for their relationship to candidate fortunes. All of this analysis is ultimately addressed to the question of why Jimmy Carter was nominated and elected in 1976.

I must admit that, after more than a decade of teaching and researching political parties, I found being selected to and participating in the 1980 Democratic National Convention an exhiliarating experience.The Alabama delegate-selection process was a very competitive primary with extensive activity by the Carter and Kennedy organizations and by the individual delegate candidates. In varying degrees, the delegate candidates stumped their constituencies with personal appearances, letters, rallies, sample ballots, newspaper ads, group endorsements, and assorted other campaign gimmicks.The selection process consisted primarily of a statewide primary (1) to allocate Alabama's delegates and alternate delegates among the presidential candidates, and (2) to elect the members of that delegation. Over 500 candidates ran for the 45 delegate and 32 alternate delegate positions in that primary. The primary actually was conducted by congressional district, with 33 candidates running for four delegate and three alternate delegate positions in my CD. The ballot was structured by sex (females listed first) and the voter was instructed to vote for up to four females and up to four males. Delegates were allocated to presidential candidates according to a formula which was roughly proportional; and individual delegates were selected by an equally fair but more complex formula.

I must admit that, after more than a decade of teaching and researching political parties, I found being selected to and participating in the 1980 Democratic National Convention an exhiliarating experience.The Alabama delegate-selection process was a very competitive primary with extensive activity by the Carter and Kennedy organizations and by the individual delegate candidates. In varying degrees, the delegate candidates stumped their constituencies with personal appearances, letters, rallies, sample ballots, newspaper ads, group endorsements, and assorted other campaign gimmicks.The selection process consisted primarily of a statewide primary (1) to allocate Alabama's delegates and alternate delegates among the presidential candidates, and (2) to elect the members of that delegation. Over 500 candidates ran for the 45 delegate and 32 alternate delegate positions in that primary. The primary actually was conducted by congressional district, with 33 candidates running for four delegate and three alternate delegate positions in my CD. The ballot was structured by sex (females listed first) and the voter was instructed to vote for up to four females and up to four males. Delegates were allocated to presidential candidates according to a formula which was roughly proportional; and individual delegates were selected by an equally fair but more complex formula.