Suchergebnisse

This paper examined conflicts and regional security in the Pacific. The paper has as its focus the roles of Australia and New Zealand (and the Pacific Islands Forum) in managing security in the Pacific using Papua New Guinea (Bougainville) and the Solomon Islands as case studies. It documented their peacekeeping experiences, and interrogated whether these operations were successes or not and why. Furthermore, the author explored whether the peacekeeping experiences in the Pacific and lessons learnt from these operations might be applicable to, and/or be helpful in developing a useful peacekeeping model for other regions. The argument of this paper is that, although Australia and New Zealand regional security management role is based on security concerns of the region but the national interests of these dominant states are also at play and a key factor that shape the nature and direction of interventions. As well, the dynamics of these operations have revolved around interaction between and among local, regional and global political factors. The author argued that peacekeeping in the Pacific (especially in Bougainville and the Solomon Islands) may not offer an appropriate peacekeeping model in such-conflict ridden settings as Africa where armed violence are more complex, protracted and involve full-scale military actions as opposed to low-intensity and localised conflicts in the Pacific, but some of the peacekeeping lessons from the region may be helpful to other peace operations, especially Peacekeeping the 'Pacific Way'.

This article examined the African Mission in Burundi (AMIB), assessed its success and drew lessons learned from the experience. The author argued that the mission was successful in restoring peace and stability in Burundi, although the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) component of its mission was not achieved. The willingness of the African Union (AU) to send a peacekeeping mission as a stabilizing force within an ongoing conflict shows that the organization is serious about tackling security issues on the continent. In spite of AU's endeavours, the article establishes that the AU is being challenged by what is called the 'triangular area of tension in African peacekeeping (AU's ambitions versus AU's peacekeeping capacities versus member states' political will and agendas). The article concludes with a reflection on lessons learnt from AMIB as a prelude to addressing this area of tension for better future peacekeeping performances in Africa.

This article examined the African Mission in Burundi (AMIB), assessed its success and drew lessons learned from the experience. The author argued that the mission was successful in restoring peace and stability in Burundi, although the disarma - ment, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) component of its mission was not achieved. The willingness of the African Union (AU) to send a peacekeeping mis - sion as a stabilizing force within an ongoing conflict shows that the organization is serious about tackling security issues on the continent. In spite of AU's endeav - ours, the article establishes that the AU is being challenged by what is called the 'triangular area of tension in African peacekeeping (AU's ambitions versus AU's peacekeeping capacities versus member states' political will and agendas). The article concludes with a reflection on lessons learnt from AMIB as a prelude to addressing this area of tension for better future peacekeeping performances in Africa.

The civil war in the Sudan's Darfur region has been on the world's agenda for quite sometime now. But the solutions to the conflict are far from sight due to the multiplicity of actors and multiple competing interests that are involve. Compounding the volatile military-political situation and its accompanied complex emergencies is that the responses of the international community have been vague and not encourage enough. Additionally, Darfur is not assisted by the "rushed and ungrounded suggestions on how to best support on-going work for peace and how to reach long lasting political solutions" (Norberg and Brune, 2007: 5). The Darfurian crisis, opposing the Government of the Sudan (GoS) and its proxy militia force (the Janjaweed) on the one hand, and the different regional rebel movements championed by the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A), and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) on another hand1, has resulted in the stupendous loss of lives and property. Between February 2003 when the war started and 2009, the conflict had produced hundreds of thousands of deaths, more than 2 million displaced (Liegeois, 2009), while mass raping, gangsterism, etc, are now the 'normal' ways of life in this 'highly unfortunate' region

This article explores the volatile security situation in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria as it relates to what Watts (2001) conceptualizes as 'petro-violence' vis-à-vis Small Arms and Light Weapons proliferation within the context of the country's Fourth Republic (May 1999—). The prevailing precarious situation is examined to ascertain the potency of democracy and its influence in ameliorating the conflict trajectory in this resource rich region. Specifically, the paper addresses the following questions; what are the socio-economic and political factors that account for arms proliferation in Nigeria's Niger Delta? Are there effects, either positive or negative, of arms proliferation on local conditions and the oil-bearing communities? How can the situation be improved? What are the civilian government's policy prescriptions to improve the dangerous politico-military situations in the oil delta? Thus, the central argument of this paper is that it is the failure of the social contract (in general and of arms in particular) on the part of the Nigerian government that leads to the challenge, by the people of Niger Delta, of the state's legitimacy and its monopoly of the instruments of violence. The paper concludes by stating that since violence and arms proliferation in the Niger Delta are consequences of the breakdown of the social contract, then the solutions lie in reconstituting the social contract by addressing the root causes of the grievances of the oil-bearing communities

This paper is a critical examination of women's roles in the West African civil conflicts of Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Cote d'Ivoire. Our epistemological point of departure is that women perform significant combat roles in war situations. Scholars/analysts have focused on women as solely victims of wars, but this study presents a framework that distances itself from this view and presents information on the wide variety of women's involvement in conflicts. Thus, whilst the public life of politics that comprises war-making decision is being dictated by men, women are involved in many other roles in the field. Consequently, this study addresses the following research conundrums: What factors explain the increased 'feminization of the militarization process' associated with conflicts in West Africa? Are women voluntary partners in war or are they reluctant actors being manipulated by ruthless army officers/warlords? What are the implications of women's active involvement in conflicts for the future development of women in these countries under focus, and society at large? What are the current and prospective roles of women in mediation and post-conflict peacebuilding

Este artigo analisa a atual guerra civil na região oeste da República do Sudão (RS), em Darfur, dentro do contexto mais amplo da antiga crise de governo do país no âmbito nacional, que é condicionada pelas políticas desiguais do Estado central e de sua elite árabe dominante. Usando o que Frost (1996) identificou como conjunto de normas "estabelecidas" nas relações internacionais para investigar as condutas do Sudão na política doméstica e na política internacional, este trabalho conclui que Cartum é culpada por graves comportamentos impróprios e violações do direito internacional humanitário. Esses comportamentos desviantes, atrelados a sua busca para estabelecer um Estado teocrático e exportar sua ideologia radical, opuseram a RS à comunidade internacional. Baseando-se nos atuais engajamentos militares de Cartum e em operações similares anteriores, este estudo defende que, para que o Sudão consiga superar a presente dificuldade política, seus governantes devem, com sinceridade de propósito, abandonar suas políticas desequilibradas e dar preferência àquelas inclusivas, abertas a todas as formações étnicas no país. Na análise final, é argumentado que isto só pode ter sentido dentro de um contexto de melhores condições socioeconômicas, pois, stricto sensu, requer o apoio econômico ao Sudão por parte da África e da comunidade internacional em geral.