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Abstract
Given the dual crises of climate change and rising economic inequality, it is imperative to improve the synergy between climate mitigation and income inequality reduction. Domestic income inequality is linked to nations' carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions through multiple theorized pathways. Using a multidimensional framework, multiregional input–output analysis, panel regression analysis, and a sample of 34 high-income nations from 2004 to 2015, I investigate the relationships between nations' income inequality and four components of CO2 emissions with distinct implications for climate change mitigation: (1) emissions generated by domestic-oriented supply chain activities; (2) emissions embodied in exports; (3) direct emissions from end-user activities; and (4) emissions embodied in imports. I theorize that income inequality is heterogeneously related to the four emission components via different pathways. Results show that the relationships vary across emission components, change over time, and differ between inequality measures. The Gini coefficient is generally less influential on CO2 emissions than the income share of the top 10%. Notably, the income share of the top 10% is negatively related to direct end-user emissions from 2009 to 2011 and positively related to emissions in exports from 2011 to 2015, indicating variations in pathways both across emission components and over time—especially during and after the Great Recession. The findings underscore the multidimensionality in the income inequality-CO2 emissions relationship. Whether reducing income inequality can generate the co-benefit of emission abatement while avoiding a potential trade-off is a context-specific question that requires careful policy design and implementation.

This study proposes a multidimensional emissions profile (MEP) framework, aiming to analyze how a broad social force systematically and heterogeneously affects four emission components of nations: (1) emissions generated by domestic-oriented supply chain activities, (2) emissions embodied in imports, (3) emissions embodied in exports, and (4) direct emissions of end-user activities. I implement a multiregional input-output approach to operationalize these emission components. Using the MEP framework and dynamic fixed-effects models with the seemingly unrelated regression estimator, I find these four emission components are heterogeneously related to national affluence in high-income nations. As these nations become even wealthier, affluence is gradually decoupled from emissions generated by domestic-oriented supply chain activities and direct end-user emissions, yet it remains strongly coupled with the other two emission components in distinct ways. The findings demonstrate the MEP framework's utility and contribute a multidimensional perspective to the debate on the economic development–climate change relationship.

The macro-comparative decoupling literature has often sought to test the arguments made by the treadmill of production (TP) and ecological modernization (EM) theories. However, due to data limitations, these studies have been limited to analyzing the years after 1960. Given that both theories discuss historical processes operating before 1960, analyzing pre-1960 data is warranted to more comprehensively test the propositions made by both theories. We assess the long-term relationship between economic growth and CO2 emissions from 1870 to 2014 using a sample of global North nations. We use Prais-Winsten regression models with time interactions to assess whether, when, and how much CO2 emissions have decoupled from economic growth over time. We find that significant relative decoupling has occurred twice since 1870: during the last 30 years of the nineteenth century, the timing of which is contrary to what both the EM and TP theories might expect, and after 1970. We also observe that the relationship remained relatively stable from the turn of the twentieth century to approximately 1970, which aligns with the arguments made by the classical TP work. We conclude that shifts in the global organization of production have shaped the magnitude of the economic growth–CO2 emissions relationship and its changes over time, which has implications for climate mitigation policy.

AbstractIn this article, we review the theory of ecologically unequal exchange and its relevance for global environmental injustice. According to this theory, global political–economic factors, especially the structure of international trade, shape the unequal distribution of environmental harms and human development; wealthier and more powerful Global North nations have disproportionate access to both natural resources and sink capacity for waste in Global South nations. We discuss how the theory has roots in multiple perspectives on development, world‐systems analysis, environmental sociology, and ecological economics. We detail research that tests hypotheses derived from ecological unequal exchange theory on several environmental harms, including deforestation, greenhouse gas emissions, biodiversity loss, and water pollution as well as related human well‐being outcomes. We also discuss research on social forces that counter the harmful impacts of ecologically unequal exchange, including institutions, organizations, and environmental justice movements. We suggest that ecologically unequal exchange theory provides an important global political–economic approach for research in environmental sociology and other environmental social sciences as well as for sustainability studies more broadly.

Hong Kong's return to the People's Republic of China in 1997 marked the beginning of a political transition that, if successful, will result in full democracy by 2020 (Ma 2008). Given that there are different levels of political trust in established and emerging democracies (Catterberg, Moreno 2005) and that regime changes itself exerts an influence on trust, this paper reports on a study that compares levels of political trust between two samples of Hong Kong's young people. The results indicated that more than ten years after Hong Kong's retrocession to China, some institutions were more strongly endorsed in 2009 than in 1999 but others registered a lower level of endorsement. Structurally it seems that 'political trust' is understood by both samples as a multidimensional construct that has a direct impact on the way they see their future citizenship responsibilities The implications of these results for both political theory and civic education are discussed.

This handbook defines the contours of environmental sociology and invites readers to push boundaries in their exploration of this important subdiscipline. It offers a comprehensive overview of the evolution of environmental sociology and its role in this era of intensified national and global environmental crises. Its timely frameworks and high-impact chapters will assist in navigating this moment of great environmental inequality and uncertainty. The handbook brings together an outstanding group of scholars who have helped redefine the scope of environmental sociology and expand its reach and impact. Their contributions speak to key themes of the subdiscipline-inequality, justice, population, social movements, and health. Chapter topics include environmental demography, food systems, animals and the environment, climate change, disasters, and much more. The emphasis on public environmental sociology and the forward-thinking approach of this collection is what sets this volume apart. This handbook can serve as an introduction for students new to environmental sociology or as an insightful treatment that current experts can use to further their own research and publication. It will leave readers with a strong understanding of environmental sociology and the motivation to apply it to their work