Suchergebnisse

The question of the nature of the legal authority exercised in Malta by British officials prior to 1813 has been a rich source of debate and controversy. The moment at which the British officials had a legal power to exercise full legislative and executive authority is elusive, despite its prominence as a seminal moment in Maltese constitutional history. Whether legal authority arose because of cession or conquest matters because, as we shall discover, the events on which these alternative possibilities are founded occurred at different times. If, for example, cession explains the legal and constitutional authority of the British Crown in Malta, we need an explanation of the legal source of that authority prior to cession. This is the question upon which this article focuses.

In 1809 when Coleridge was prompted to write about his time in Malta by the death of Sir Alexander Ball, the late Civil Commissioner whom he so much admired, he recorded that he regarded his stay on the Island as "in many respects the most memorable and instructive period of my life".2 As those familiar with Coleridge's history recall, Coleridge had arrived on Malta in May 1804 predominantly to liberate himself from opium dependency. Coleridge impressed Ball, whom he met shortly after his arrival. Coleridge originally replaced Edmond Chapman as under-secretary3 during the latter's absence from Malta on the speculative corn mission, about which more will be said below. However, following the death of the Public Secretary and Treasurer, Alexander Macaulay, on 18th January 1805, Coleridge was appointed as a temporary replacement pending Chapman's return to the Island, although he declined to act as Treasurer. In contrast to his role as under-secretary, the Public Secretaryship contained formal responsibilities and in taking on the position he assumed a post second in civil dignity to that of the Civil Commissioner. He thus found himself at the heart of government. The purpose of this article is to outline the legal, political, administrative and economic challenges encountered by the British administration in the period 1800-1809 in which Coleridge had assumed an important role, as well as to venture some comments about the coherence of British policy. Some limited observations on Coleridge's contribution to the success of British rule at this time will also be advanced.

The UK Government's policy on economic and social renewal, the ultimate goal of which is to improve living standards for all, emphasises the importance of adopting a partnership model of industrial relations. Government perceives this model of employment relations as essential to achieving continued competitiveness in a globalised economy, especially where productivity, however measured, does not match that of other major industrialised countries. Narrowing the gap in competitiveness is thought to require businesses and individuals to acquire new skills and knowledge essential to provide higher value-added goods and services. Although there are divergent conceptions of precisely what partnership might entail, at its broadest level it would seem to require a cultural change that encourages greater mutuality and respect for employees. This is offered in exchange for enhanced motivation, 'flexibility' and innovation on the part of employees. Partnership might thus address the manner in which employees are treated, their opportunity to contribute to the workplace, and their commitment to the success of the enterprise.

"I have the public Memorials to write & worse than all constant matters of Arbitration" Coleridge's Bandi (Proclamations) and Avvisi (Public Notices)appear to be of a minor, regulatory character dealing with such matters as licensing,cartwheels, mooring ropes, foreigners and excise duties. In fact, these legal and administrative texts reveal how Coleridge used and controlled government information to advance the dominant strategic purpose of British rule. They were intended not only to alter behaviour, but also to influence public opinion and secure the legitimacy of British rule. As we shall discover, the British in Malta were explicitly directed by the British imperial government to achieve popularity with the Maltese and to ensure the stability of the islands as a British possession. A series of policies and decisions, whether ill-advised in conception or operation,some resulting from the incompetence of administrators, or the deliberate hoodwinking of the British by the Maltese, led to a temporary, but profound,decline in British popularity. Confidence in the British and, in particular, in the Civil Commissioner, Sir Alexander Ball, whose autocratic constitutional authority made him the embodiment of British purposes and values, was at a dangerously low ebb by the spring of 1805. Coleridge was compelled, not least in the laws and public notices, to mount a propaganda offensive to "re-engage" with the Maltese public. He had to portray a selfless, benign administration that, according to Coleridge's narrative, prioritised Maltese interests, and acted merely to ensure the well-being of the local population.In fact, Malta, at that time, exposed the difficulties administrators faced when confronted with the inherent conflict of interest in the colonial project. In many instances, British imperial goals were not invariably congruent with Maltese interests. The de-stabilising tensions, springing from this divided colonial relationship, had to be managed because, as the British knew, a disaffected Maltese population could be capable of violent insurrection. They had responded to a call to arms as recently as 1798 to evict the unpopular French occupiers from their islands. A decline in popular support threatened continued British possession. In securing the long-term strategic goals of British rule, Coleridge was required to assume a weighty burden of responsibility. The evidence of depression, stress, overwork and addiction shown in his Notebooks attest to his struggle to fulfil the demanding expectations of him in his public office as well as overcoming the well-known problems in his private life.

"Samuel Taylor Coleridge is best known as a great poet and literary theorist, but for a period of his life he held real political power, acting as Public Secretary to the British Civil Commissioner in Malta in 1805. Barry Hough and Howard Davis show how Coleridge's actions in this role differ markedly from the idealism he had advocated before taking office--shedding new light on Coleridge's sense of political and legal morality. Meticulously researched and including newly discovered archival materials, Coleridge's Laws provides detailed analysis of the laws and public notices drafted by Coleridge, together with the first published translations of them"--Publisher's description

Samuel Taylor Coleridge is best known as a great poet and literary theorist, but for one, quite short, period of his life he held real political power—acting as Public Secretary to the British Civil Commissioner in Malta in 1805. This was a formative experience for Coleridge which he later identified as being one of the most instructive in his entire life. In this book, Barry Hough and Howard Davis show how Coleridge's actions whilst in a position of power differ markedly from the idealism he had advocated before taking office—shedding new light on Coleridge's sense of political and legal morality.