Representative Bureaucracy: Imprimus Evidence of Active Representation in the EEOC District Offices
In: Social science quarterly, Band 74, Heft 1, S. 95
ISSN: 0038-4941
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In: Social science quarterly, Band 74, Heft 1, S. 95
ISSN: 0038-4941
In: Social science journal: official journal of the Western Social Science Association, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 435-443
ISSN: 0362-3319
In: Public administration quarterly, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 407-425
ISSN: 0734-9149
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of the Western Political Science Association and other associations, Band 51, Heft 3, S. 655
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: Administration & society, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 53-61
ISSN: 1552-3039
The food stamp program has been more closely controlled by the federal government than most other public assistance programs. However, states have retained a degree of discretionary decision-making authority via administration of the food stamp program. Using a multiple-regression model, this study examines the influence of state administrative actions upon state food stamp caseloads. Both access to food stamp application offices and the use of joint applications (simultaneous application for Aid to Families with Dependent Children and food stamps) are found to be determinants of variance in state food stamp caseloads. Thus, devolution of public assistance policy to state governments could result in unequal treatment of individuals who are eligible for public assistance benefits.
In: Administration & society, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 53-61
ISSN: 0095-3997
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association, Band 51, Heft 3, S. 655-672
ISSN: 1065-9129
In: Administration & society, Band 30, S. 53-61
ISSN: 0095-3997
In: Politics & policy, Band 24, Heft 1, S. 178-188
ISSN: 1747-1346
Although never constituting a majority in either chamber of Congress, the South's representatives have shown remarkable prowess in blocking liberal legislation. This reality was central to Key's conceptualization of a conservative coalition in 1949 and to Congressional Quarterly's development of a conservative coalition index in 1957. Since these events, the South stopped sending a homogenous delegation of white male Democrats to Congress. Due to the inclusion of Republicans and minorities in the South's congressional delegation, a re‐examination of the way we learn about the region's legislative influence is needed. In this paper we propose two variations of CQ's model that allow us to more accurately explore the longitudinal influence of the South in Congress.