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Coherence has become the buzzword in EU studies. However, what exactly is policy coherence and how is it advanced by EU law? This article attempts to bridge the political science and legal debate on this ambiguous term. First, it critically analyses notions on coherence and consistency to find common ground in the seemingly confusing academic debate. On this basis, this article subsequently enquires into the promotion of these different notions by EU law. The focus is on the EU's external relations; arguably the most salient area for policy coherence in EU governance. The article argues that the theoretical debate sometimes lacks cross-fertilization and that conceptual fuzziness persists. The conceptual groundwork allows for analysing how primary law, and especially its interpretation by the Court, advances consistency and coherence in different ways. Albeit also marked by underdeveloped conceptual clarity, the Court's case law shows that several duties in EU law reinforce consistency and coherence in EU external relations.

Coherence has become the buzzword in EU studies. However, what exactly is policy coherence and how is it advanced by EU law? This article attempts to bridge the political science and legal debate on this ambiguous term. First, it critically analyses notions on coherence and consistency to find common ground in the seemingly confusing academic debate. On this basis, this article subsequently enquires into the promotion of these different notions by EU law. The focus is on the EU's external relations; arguably the most salient area for policy coherence in EU governance. The article argues that the theoretical debate sometimes lacks cross-fertilization and that conceptual fuzziness persists. The conceptual groundwork allows for analysing how primary law, and especially its interpretation by the Court, advances consistency and coherence in different ways. Albeit also marked by underdeveloped conceptual clarity, the Court's case law shows that several duties in EU law reinforce consistency and coherence in EU external relations. Adapted from the source document.

Greater cooperation with third countries is one of the EU's core responses to the refugee crisis. This cooperation is focused on the readmission of individuals irregularly staying in the EU, on border surveillance and control, and on the reception of refugees in third countries. The EU has attempted to co-opt Turkey and African countries into these priorities, using funding and specific mobility channels as incentives. This paper poses the question of what kind of cooperation the EU should pursue with third countries. As the current approaches are not new, we present the lessons from the EU's long cooperation with Morocco to inform the current debate. We find that, first, the difficult negotiations on an EU Readmission Agreement with Morocco show that more funding or 'incentives' cannot guarantee such an agreement, let alone its implementation. Second, we highlight the challenges of the partly EU-funded and Frontex-coordinated cooperation on borders between Spain and Morocco, which hampers the capacity of third countries to respect migrants' rights and challenges the obligations of EU member states under European and international law. Third, as EU cooperation with Turkey and Africa now aims to 'stem' the flow of asylum-seekers, the capacity of third countries to offer reception and protection to asylum-seekers is crucial. We conclude that Morocco has limited capacities in this regard, which raises the question of whether third countries can be assumed to be able to offer such reception and protection.

Greater cooperation with third countries is one of the EU's core responses to the refugee crisis. This cooperation is focused on the readmission of individuals irregularly staying in the EU, on border surveillance and control, and on the reception of refugees in third countries. The EU has attempted to co-opt Turkey and African countries into these priorities, using funding and specific mobility channels as incentives. This paper poses the question of what kind of cooperation the EU should pursue with third countries. As the current approaches are not new, we present the lessons from the EU's long cooperation with Morocco to inform the current debate. We find that, first, the difficult negotiations on an EU Readmission Agreement with Morocco show that more funding or 'incentives' cannot guarantee such an agreement, let alone its implementation. Second, we highlight the challenges of the partly EU-funded and Frontex-coordinated cooperation on borders between Spain and Morocco, which hampers the capacity of third countries to respect migrants' rights and challenges the obligations of EU member states under European and international law. Third, as EU cooperation with Turkey and Africa now aims to 'stem' the flow of asylum-seekers, the capacity of third countries to offer reception and protection to asylum-seekers is crucial. We conclude that Morocco has limited capacities in this regard, which raises the question of whether third countries can be assumed to be able to offer such reception and protection.

Published online 22 January 2016 ; Greater cooperation with third countries is one of the EU's core responses to the refugee crisis. This cooperation is focused on the readmission of individuals irregularly staying in the EU, on border surveillance and control, and on the reception of refugees in third countries. The EU has attempted to co-opt Turkey and African countries into these priorities, using funding and specific mobility channels as incentives. This paper poses the question of what kind of cooperation the EU should pursue with third countries. As the current approaches are not new, we present the lessons from the EU's long cooperation with Morocco to inform the current debate. We find that, first, the difficult negotiations on an EU Readmission Agreement with Morocco show that more funding or 'incentives' cannot guarantee such an agreement, let alone its implementation. Second, we highlight the challenges of the partly EU-funded and Frontex-coordinated cooperation on borders between Spain and Morocco, which hampers the capacity of third countries to respect migrants' rights and challenges the obligations of EU member states under European and international law. Third, as EU cooperation with Turkey and Africa now aims to 'stem' the flow of asylum-seekers, the capacity of third countries to offer reception and protection to asylumseekers is crucial. We conclude that Morocco has limited capacities in this regard, which raises the question of whether third countries can be assumed to be able to offer such reception and protection. We argue that the lessons learnt from the cooperation with Morocco illustrate the limited feasibility and appropriateness of the EU's approach towards third countries. Cooperation with third countries should not come at the expense of migrants' rights, but should open up regular channels for seeking asylum, and not link readmission to other fields of EU external action under the 'more-for-more' principle.

Greater cooperation with third countries is one of the EU's core responses to the refugee crisis. This cooperation is focused on the readmission of individuals irregularly staying in the EU, on border surveillance and control, and on the reception of refugees in third countries. The EU has attempted to co-opt Turkey and African countries into these priorities, using funding and specific mobility channels as incentives. This paper poses the question of what kind of cooperation the EU should pursue with third countries. As the current approaches are not new, we present the lessons from the EU's long cooperation with Morocco to inform the current debate. We find that, first, the difficult negotiations on an EU Readmission Agreement with Morocco show that more funding or 'incentives' cannot guarantee such an agreement, let alone its implementation. Second, we highlight the challenges of the partly EU-funded and Frontex-coordinated cooperation on borders between Spain and Morocco, which hampers the capacity of third countries to respect migrants' rights and challenges the obligations of EU member states under European and international law. Third, as EU cooperation with Turkey and Africa now aims to 'stem' the flow of asylum-seekers, the capacity of third countries to offer reception and protection to asylum-seekers is crucial. We conclude that Morocco has limited capacities in this regard, which raises the question of whether third countries can be assumed to be able to offer such reception and protection.

Greater cooperation with third countries is one of the EU's core responses to the refugee crisis. This cooperation is focused on the readmission of individuals irregularly staying in the EU, on border surveillance and control, and on the reception of refugees in third countries. The EU has attempted to co-opt Turkey and African countries into these priorities, using funding and specific mobility channels as incentives. This paper poses the question of what kind of cooperation the EU should pursue with third countries. As the current approaches are not new, we present the lessons from the EU's long cooperation with Morocco to inform the current debate. We find that, first, the difficult negotiations on an EU Readmission Agreement with Morocco show that more funding or 'incentives' cannot guarantee such an agreement, let alone its implementation. Second, we highlight the challenges of the partly EU-funded and Frontex-coordinated cooperation on borders between Spain and Morocco, which hampers the capacity of third countries to respect migrants' rights and challenges the obligations of EU member states under European and international law. Third, as EU cooperation with Turkey and Africa now aims to 'stem' the flow of asylum-seekers, the capacity of third countries to offer reception and protection to asylum-seekers is crucial. We conclude that Morocco has limited capacities in this regard, which raises the question of whether third countries can be assumed to be able to offer such reception and protection.