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Kin form important political groups, which change in size and relative inequality with demographic shifts. Increases in the rate of population growth increase the size of kin groups but decrease their inequality and vice versa. The optimal size of kin groups may be evaluated from the marginal political product (MPP) of their members. Culture and institutions affect levels and shapes of MPP. Different optimal group sizes, from different perspectives, can be suggested for any MPP schedule. The relative dominance of competing groups is determined by their MPP schedules. Groups driven to extremes of sustainability may react in Malthusian fashion, including fission and fusion, or in Boserupian fashion, altering social technology to accommodate changes in size. The spectrum of alternatives for actors and groups, shaped by existing institutions and natural and cultural selection, is very broad. Nevertheless, selection may result in survival of particular kinds of political structures.

Changes in fertility and mortality affect the size of surviving sibling sets and thus numbers of surviving kin. Because the genealogical generations specifying kinship relations are not temporal cohorts and most plausible demographic changes in anthropological populations are period shocks, the effect of such shocks on kin counts are complex. Shocks increasing fertility or decreasing mortality produce larger numbers of kin per ego and decrease the inequality of the distribution of kin and vice versa. Effects are more diffuse at more distant collateral ranges. Effects are stronger the more intense the shock and the longer its duration. Kinship distributions return to their initial state after the shock and as the original age structure of the population is ergodically reattained. Alternating shocks produce more complex patterns. Implications of these outcomes are that opportunities for political networking and consolidation by means of kinship are altered by demographic instabilities, as are the dynamics of kin selection. This analysis is limited for simplicity to unilineal agnatic reckoning of kin.

Changes in fertility and mortality affect the size of surviving sibling sets and thus numbers of surviving kin. Because the genealogical generations specifying kinship relations are not temporal cohorts and most plausible demographic changes in anthropological populations are period shocks, the effect of such shocks on kin counts are complex. Shocks increasing fertility or decreasing mortality produce larger numbers of kin per ego and decrease the inequality of the distribution of kin and vice versa. Effects are more diffuse at more distant collateral ranges. Effects are stronger the more intense the shock and the longer its duration. Kinship distributions return to their initial state after the shock and as the original age structure of the population is ergodically reattained. Alternating shocks produce more complex patterns. Implications of these outcomes are that opportunities for political networking and consolidation by means of kinship are altered by demographic instabilities, as are the dynamics of kin selection. This analysis is limited for simplicity to unilineal agnatic reckoning of kin.

Kin form important political groups, which change in size and relative inequality with demographic shifts. Increases in the rate of population growth increase the size of kin groups but decrease their inequality and vice versa. The optimal size of kin groups may be evaluated from the marginal political product (MPP) of their members. Culture and institutions affect levels and shapes of MPP. Different optimal group sizes, from different perspectives, can be suggested for any MPP schedule. The relative dominance of competing groups is determined by their MPP schedules. Groups driven to extremes of sustainability may react in Malthusian fashion, including fission and fusion, or in Boserupian fashion, altering social technology to accommodate changes in size. The spectrum of alternatives for actors and groups, shaped by existing institutions and natural and cultural selection, is very broad. Nevertheless, selection may result in survival of particular kinds of political structures.

Seven unpublished household censuses of Ainu populations on Hokkaido and Sakhalin between 1803 and 1853 are analyzed to show evidence of population decline well before the Meiji period. These populations show substantial diversity in household composition and community size, and complex household organization is pervasive, suggesting elaborate patron‐client relationships not obviously based on kinship. Ecological differences may underlie this diversity and complexity, with Japanese influence and inclusion in long distance trading networks a strong possibility as a basic cause. There is a suggestion of organizational adaptations to distant economic and political influences, analogous to those observed on the Northwest Coast of North America under the influence of the fur trade.

Comparison is an indispensable technique of analytic scholarship. No analytic statement about empirical observation can be made without at least one comparison providing the contrast that permits either inductive generalization or deductive proof. Comparison is used for these purposes in all disciplines, but not always in the same way, or for the same reasons. Anthropology came to comparison because comparison was thrust on it by the rediscovery of classical antiquity and the opening of Africa, Asia, and the New World to a previously more isolated Europe. Indeed, anthropology was born as a response to the great cultural contrasts thus exposed. This philosophical child of comparison, however, pursued it in some very special ways. In the first place, the initial interests of anthropology lay in the reconstruction of an unknown human past, attempting to explain cultural variety through the reconstruction of events leading up to the present. In the second place, the comparisons drawn by anthropologists were usually extreme, prompted as they were by the shock value of new discoveries.

Analysis of survey and interview data from modern Belgrade shows an interplay between the structural alignments of traditional Serbian kinship and the more individual considerations of affective relationships between parents and their siblings. Cousin relationships are a perpetuation of parental sibling relationships but are markedly affected by structural factors. "Liking" appears to be a matter of loyalty, trust, and obligation and is strongest along agnatic lines; the greatest continuity of positive affect is between the close fraternal relationships in the parental generation and the close relationship between mutual father's brother's sons. The virifocality of the system is shown for other facets of kinship including possible warping of genealogical perception and recall.