Suchergebnisse

Advertised as "this day published" in the Feb. 6, 1816, issue of the Connecticut journal, published by Eli Hudson. ; Series of letters, signed by "Toleration," "A churchman," "Hamilton," and others, concerning a grant by the Connecticut state government to Yale College, and whether a similar grant should by given to establish an Episcopal institution to be called Seabury College. For a reply, see Bishop's bonus, Seabury College, divine right of Presbyterianism, and divine right of Episcopacy, New Haven, 1816 (Shaw & Shoemaker 37016). ; Shaw & Shoemaker ; Mode of access: Internet.

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE HISTORICAL POSITION TAKEN BY THE MAJOR CIVIL RIGHTS GROUPS AS FAR BACK AS THE NEW DEAL. THE AUTHORS THE TWO OLDEST AND LARGEST, THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE (NAACP) AND THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE (NUL). THEY CONTEND THAT THESE CIVIL RIGHTS GROUPS HAVE ALWAYS UNDERSTOOD THE EXISTENCE OF TWO AGENDAS: SOCIAL WELFARE AND CIVIL RIGHTS, AND THEY HAVE ATTEMPTED TO DEAL WITH BOTH. THE STRUGGLE TO ACHIEVE THE GOALS OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS AGENDA IS WELL KNOWN. MUSH LESS IS KNOW WHAT THOSE GROUPS ATTEMPTED TO ACHIEVE REGARDING THE SOCIAL WELFARE AGENDA AND HOW THEY RESPONDED TO THE POLITICAL REALITIES FACING THEM OVER THE DECADES. INDEED, MANY OF THE ARGUMENTS MADE TODAY ABOUT SUBORDINATING THE RACE CONCERN TO THE LARGER SOCIETAL CONCERN WERE MADE DECADES AGO. MANY OF THE WARNINGS ABOUT POLITICAL BACKLASH MADE TODAY WERE MADE DECADES BEFORE. IN OTHER WORDS, HARSH POLITICAL REALITIES FACES IN THE 1990S ARE NOT NEW TO THE CIVIL RIGHTS GROUPS, WHO HAVE ALWAYS HAD TO BALANCE LEGITIMATE CONCERNS FOR BOTH AGENDAS ON A DELICATE SCALE OF POLITICAL CALCULATION AND PRAGMATIC POLITICS. GREATER UNDERSTANDING OF THIS HISTORY OUGHT TO IMPROVE DISCUSSION OF THE POLITICS OF RACE AND SOCIAL WELFARE TODAY.

"Male and white privilege are on the decline, yet elite privilege has gone from strength to strength. The privileges enjoyed by the rich and powerful are not only unfair but cause widespread harm, from the everyday slights and humiliations visited on those lower down to the distortions in the labour market when elites use their networks to secure plum jobs, not least in new domains like professional sports. In this book, Clive Hamilton and Myra Hamilton show that elite privilege is not a mere by-product of wealth but an organising principle for society as a whole. They explore the practices and processes that sustain, legitimise and reproduce elite privilege, and show how we are all implicated in the system, both facilitating it and tolerating its harmful effects. Building on their original fieldwork and a wide range of other sources, the authors paint a vivid picture of the micropolitics of elite privilege, highlighting in particular the vital role played by exclusive private schools. Ranging across topics as diverse as 'glamour suburbs,' philanthropy, Rhodes scholarships and super-yachts, The Privileged Few gets beneath attempts at concealment to expose how the elites keep getting away with it"--

"Hamilton explores in a short history how all men gained the vote, self-government and the secret ballot in South Australia (1856), Victoria (1857) and New South Wales (1858). Australia permanently democratized without a violent revolution, and at a very early time. In 1851-1858, two thirds elected Legislative Councils in the British colonies of New South Wales, Victoria and South Australia gave all men the vote, including Aboriginal and Chinese men, the secret ballot, and self-government of local affairs. This book examines the Legislative Council debates which led to these radical democracies. Debates covered voting eligibility, the secret ballot, the upper house of parliament, equal electorates, multiple voting, illiterate voters, control of Crown lands, terms of parliament, payment of members, and separation of Church and State. British parliamentary tradition was combined with the advanced liberal thinking of the time, Chartism with the British constitution. Through these debates, it can argues that democratization of 1851-58 in the three largest Australian colonies was as fundamental to Australian prosperity as the 'mixed' market economy. A vital text for scholars of democracy as well as those interested in Australian Studies, Australian History, Political Science, Constitutional Law, and about the building blocks of first world prosperity"--

Chapter 1. Introduction -- Chapter 2. China and Russia in Africa -- Chapter 3. China and Russia in Central Asia -- Chapter 4. China and Russia in Eastern Europe, and China's Reaction to the War in Ukraine -- Chapter 5. China and Russia in East Asia -- Chapter 6. Conclusions and Implications.

'A Widow's Vengeance after the Wars of Religion' is a dramatic account of the impact of the Wars of Religion on daily life. Based on neglected archival sources and an exceptional criminal trial, it recovers the experiences of women, peasants, and foot soldiers, who are marginalized in most historical accounts.