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AbstractDespite being the second most populated region in Brazil, the Northeast has persistently accounted for a small share of national income. A well‐known attempt to develop the region was made in 1959 with the creation of SUDENE, a big push type of place‐based policy resulting in an intensification of industrial investments. Historical data sets are used to make comparable input–output tables at a 31 sector level for 1959 and 1980, and input–output analysis is applied to appraise transformations. Developments in the following decades are also discussed. The main focus is on changes in the interdependence among sectors in the region, the sectors' dependency on the rest of Brazil, and the sectors' contributions to the regional economy in terms of value added. From the first decades, the main finding is an unintended trade‐off between production growth and employment performance. Over the 1990s and turn of the century, although the economy diversified, dependence on inputs from the rest of Brazil also increased. Also, manufacturing sectors continued to be less capable of generating value added. Given persistent regional inequalities, levelling up attempts require a more encompassing approach including investing in human capital and addressing differential access to power.

AbstractThe main thesis of this paper is that people in areas of (expected) population decline vote more populist to express their discontent about the current and future state of their place of residence. In many ways a "populist voting mark‐up" could be expected, as declining areas often are associated with being forgotten, fomenting societal discontent and mistrust in established political parties ultimately expected to lead to more populist votes. Using the outcomes of the Dutch national elections in 2012 and 2017, we link shares of populist votes for the PVV (Party for Freedom) and SP (Socialist Party) to indicators of population decline, as well as other demographic ("compositional effects"), local and regional characteristics ("contextual effects") to appraise what causes higher rates of votes for populist parties in regions of decline. We do not find a "populist voting mark‐up" for declining regions when controlling for contextual effects. However, we do find that both the compositional and the contextual circumstances in areas of population decline are in such a way that they provoke discontent expressed in voting. We also conclude that it is very important to distinguish between different parties when their party programs are as contrasting as in the case of the PVV and the SP. Their different focus on immigration (PVV) and jobs (SP) is clearly visible in the results.