Suchergebnisse

"Since Roe v. Wade, abortion has continued to be a divisive political issue in the United States. In contrast, it has remained primarily a medical issue in Britain and Canada despite the countries' shared heritage. Doctors and Demonstrators looks beyond simplistic cultural or religious explanations to find out why abortion politics and policies differ so dramatically in these otherwise similar countries. Drew Halfmann argues that political institutions are the key. In the United States, federalism, judicial review, and a private health care system contributed to the public definition of abortion as an individual right rather than a medical necessity. Meanwhile, Halfmann explains, the porous structure of American political parties gave pro-choice and pro-life groups the opportunity to move the issue onto the political agenda. A groundbreaking study of the complex legal and political factors behind the evolution of abortion policy, Doctors and Demonstrators will be vital for anyone trying to understand this contentious issue"--Provided by publisher.

Research suggests that coalitions between social movement organizations (SMOs) are more likely under conditions of perceived political opportunity. But what are the mechanisms of this effect? Extant research suggests resource-need, collective-benefit, and emotional mechanisms. Here, I theorize a venue-shifting mechanism. When an SMO switches to a new political venue to pursue a perceived political opportunity, it lacks the specific resources necessary for success in that venue and seeks them from another SMO. Drawing on primary and secondary historical data, the article demonstrates this mechanism in the coalition behavior of the National Association for Repeal of Abortion Laws (NARAL) before the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision that legalized early abortion on request in the United States.

This article examines the uses and effects of grotesque imagery in the antislavery and antiabortion movements and considers implications for theories of movement framing and mobilization. Grotesque images can produce strong emotions that may increase the resonance of movement frames and provide physiological "evidence" of immorality. Such images may also produce confusion and ambiguity that deeply engages readers or viewers and potentially breaks frames. But grotesque images can also be counterproductive for activists. They can cause readers or viewers to turn away in disgust, and their use can taint activists as prurient, irrational, uncivil, or manipulative. Finally, the effects of grotesque images are likely to vary across audiences, social contexts, and the skill of the activists that deploy them.

Scholars of the politics of public social policy have engaged in contentious debates over "institutional" and "political" theories. Institutional theories hold that U.S. social policy is inhibited by fragmented political institutions and weak executive state organizations. Political theories hold that the United States lacks a left-wing political party and a strong labor movement to push for social policy. Both theories are thus pessimistic about and cannot account for advances in U.S. social policy.

This article examines the uses and effects of grotesque imagery in the antislavery and antiabortion movements and considers implications for theories of movement framing and mobilization. Grotesque images can produce strong emotions that may increase the resonance of movement frames and provide physiological "evidence" of immorality. Such images may also produce confusion and ambiguity that deeply engages readers or viewers and potentially breaks frames. But grotesque images can also be counterproductive for activists. They can cause readers or viewers to turn away in disgust, and their use can taint activists as prurient, irrational, uncivil, or manipulative. Finally, the effects of grotesque images are likely to vary across audiences, social contexts, and the skill of the activists that deploy them. Adapted from the source document.

We contend that the collective action of state-oriented challengers is politically mediated, and that the impact of collective action will differ according to political contexts. More specifically, we argue that mobilization and limited protest will yield collective benefits in specified favorable political circumstances; more assertive action is required in specified less favorable circumstances. In addition to specifying these arguments, we go some distance toward appraising them, by examining the Townsend Movement, an American old-age pension challenger of the 1930s and 1940s, and the politics of old-age pensions in California. Historical, "similar systems," and regression analyses indicate that the movement had an impact on California old-age policy that varied according to the expectations of our political mediation arguments.

Contends that the collective action of state-oriented challengers is politically mediated, & the impact of collective action will differ according to political contexts. More specifically, it is argued that mobilization & limited protest will yield collective benefits in specified favorable political circumstances; more assertive action is required in specified less favorable circumstances. To appraise these arguments, the Townsend movement, a US old-age pension challenger of the 1930s & 1940s, & the politics of old-age pensions in CA are examined. Historical, "similar systems," & regression analyses of old-age assistance program data indicate that the movement had an impact on CA old-age policy that varied according to the expectations of the political mediation arguments. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 77 References. Adapted from the source document.