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"The eleven ex-Confederate states continue to be thoroughly American and at the same time an exception to the national mainstream. The region's dual personality, how it came into being, and the purposes and interests it served is examined here, as well as its central role in the politics and culture wars flowing from the transformative Civil Rights Movement and the other social justice movements of the 1950s and 1960s. The essays on this theme include a penetrating explication of C. Vann Woodward's masterpiece, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913, which is explicitly informed by the scholarship of the fifty years since the book's original publication. Hackney explores the political transformation of the South and the identity politics that continue to structure national political competition. The bi-racial nature of Southern society lies at the heart of Southern identity in all of its varieties. Understanding that identity is a purpose that underlies all of the chapters. Hackney uses quantitative analysis of hom-icide data to establish beyond doubt for the first time that the South has long been more violent, and that there is a cultural component of that violence that exists beyond the usual social predictors of higher homicide rates in the United States. He muses over the failure of the usual social predictors of votes for the Democratic Party to predict the party's performance in the region. Timely, elegantly written, and wide in intellectual scope, Magnolias without Moonlight will be of interest to a broad readership of historians, cultural studies specialists, political scientists, and sociologists."--Provided by publisher.

Library of Alabama Classics Winner of the Albert J. Beveridge Award of the American Historical Association "In this excellent study of Alabama politics, Hackney deftly analyzes the leadership, following, and essential character of Populism and Progressivism during the period from 1890 to 1910. The work is exceptionally well written; it deals with the personal, social, and political intricacies involved; and it combines traditional and quantitative techniques with a clarity and imagination that should serve as a spur and a model for many future studies." - Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science "Whatever the ultimate judgment on its conclusions may be, this is an important study and one that should stimulate additional research. "Hackney has very skillfully integrated his quantitative findings and the results of more traditional research. In this respect the book should for some time be a prime exhibit of the utility of the 'new political history' [and] we should receive Hackney's contribution with both gratitude and admiration." - Journal of Interdisciplinary History Sheldon Hackney is a native Alabamian, and -- perhaps aptly -- the son-in-law of courageous Alabama progressives Virginia and Clifford Durr. A student of C. Vann Woodward at Yale, Hackney taught at Princeton University, served as president of Tulane University (1975-80) and the University of Pennsylvania (1981-1993). In 1993 he was appointed by President Clinton as chairman of the National Endowment for the Humanities, where he served until 1997. After his NEH service he returned to the University of Pennsylvania as Boies Professor of United States History.

The American university is at risk because of the very fact that it is so culturally important and because it is so consonant with American cultural values. As cultural values become more contentious in the public arena, the university becomes more tempting as a trophy and as a weapon in the culture wars. Ironically, the university can best protect itself using the camouflage provided by its historical accumulation of multiple functions, by accepting the ambiguity of the cultural role it plays, and by simultaneously emphasizing the way it faithfully reflects American culture and the way its special mystique sets it apart as a different kind of institution in American life.

The history of university-community relations in this century has been characterized by periods of optimism and innovative action followed by disillusionment. During the years when cities were rapidly growing as a result of immigration and migration from the countryside, academics contributed to the search for solutions to urban problems and played a major role in the Progressive Movement. After World War I, research became increasingly esoteric, its focus shifting to national and international issues, until, with the sixties, efforts to find accommodations with a restive local community spawned a wide variety of new programs. The advent of technology appeared to satisfy needs for both research and jobs, but it also produced new frictions. In the present decade, new models for partnership and cooperation have evolved and community involvement has been linked more closely with the educational mission of the university. The hope is that a new spirit of optimism derived from the results of academically based public service will promote lasting progress. Ways must be found to institutionalize achieved goals that mutually benefit the urban university and its neighboring community.

The history of U-community relations in the twentieth century has been characterized by periods of optimism & innovative action, followed by disillusionment. During the years when cities were growing rapidly as a result of immigration & migration from the countryside, academics contributed to the search for solutions to Ur problems & played a major role in the progressive movement. After WWI, research became increasingly esoteric, its focus shifting to national & international issues until, with the 1960s, efforts to find accommodations with a restive local community spawned a wide variety of new programs. The advent of technology appeared to satisfy needs for both research & jobs, but it also produced new frictions. In the present decade, new models for partnership & cooperation have evolved & community involvement has been linked more closely with the educational mission of the U. The hope is that a new spirit of optimism derived from the results of academically based public service will promote lasting progress. Ways must be found to institutionalize achieved goals that mutually benefit the Ur U & its neighboring community. In Questions and Answers Hackney responds to questions. HA

One reason there never seems to be adequate funding for the arts is that supply can never keep up with demand. Because of their mission and the environment they provide for creative minds, universities contribute to the problem by fanning the sparks of artistic desire. At the same time, because of their role in educating the audiences of the future, they are equally a part of the solution. In good financial times no less than in bad, Americans have tended to regard support for the arts in a puritanical light. Universities therefore make their most solid contributions to the arts in kind, by encouraging artists and the arts as part of the primary educational mission and by exposing all students to both the old and the new in art, music, and drama. Even though direct subventions are bound to remain inadequate, institutions can effectively provide support for the arts by resuming some responsibility for instilling aesthetic judgment in the citizens and consumers of tomorrow. Universities have a historical obligation to develop the highest in human awareness. This includes helping to determine tomorrow's tune by taking responsibility for informing the tastes of those who will pay the pipers of the future.