Suchergebnisse

This paper examines the rise of group consciousness in California during the 1990s. Many scholars have studied the increase in political participation in California and have alluded to an increase in group consciousness, but studies have not captured whether or not this actually exists. In this paper, I use seven surveys conducted between 1989 and 2004 and leverage the timing of these surveys to examine the role of perceived discrimination on Latino group consciousness in California. I hypothesize that the impact of political threat motivated an increase in group consciousness, which is driven by Latinos who perceived the discriminatory nature of California's proposition politics in the 1990s. I find support for the hypothesis that perceived discrimination is positively associated with group consciousness during this time. However, the relationship between perceived group discrimination and group consciousness weakens after the threatening time period, even though reported levels of group consciousness continued to increase. This finding suggests that group threat may activate group consciousness even after feelings of threat have subsided.

The U.S. Census showed that the number of Latinos responding as some other race continues to increase. How can we more accurately measure racial identity among Latinos? Do Latinos' self described race and/or skin color influence feelings of closeness with racial rather than ethnic groups? This article seeks to challenge the notion of Latinos as racially homogenous, what we call the browning effect, or as a racial category rather than an ethnic category to examine how racial identity and skin color may play a role in self-identification and group closeness. Using a survey of Puerto Ricans living in the United States conducted in 2020 by the Center for American Progress, we examine both racial self identification and skin color arguing for new racial categories that include mixed race options.

While evidence from California suggests that group threat mobilizes Latinos, nationally, there has never been a test case for this theory. In 2016, the Trump campaign provided a clear case of group threat through his divisive rhetoric and policy proposals targeting Mexican Americans and immigrants. Using the 2016 Collaborative Multi-Racial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) data, we find evidence that Latino voters were politically motivated by Trump's anti-Latino rhetoric. We hypothesize that Latino voters who perceive Latinos as a racialized group and feel a sense of immigrant-linked fate are more likely to hold negative views toward the Republican candidate, and feel angry during the 2016 election. We further find that Latino voters who were angry were more likely to engage in political activities such as donating to campaigns, contacting government officials, and protesting during and shortly after the 2016 election. The findings hold for U.S. born Latinos as well as among non-Mexican Latinos who felt similarly targeted by Trump's rhetoric and proposals.

Abstract
The constant growth in population worldwide over the past decades continues to put forward the need to provide access to safe, clean water to meet human needs. There is a need for cost-effective technologies for water and wastewater treatment that can meet the global demands and the rigorous water quality standards and at the same maximizing pollutant efficiency removal. Current remediation technologies have failed in keeping up with these factors without becoming cost-prohibitive. Most recently, nanotechnology has been sought as the best alternative to increase access to water supplies by remediating those already contaminated and offering ways to access unconventional sources. The use of iron oxide magnetic nanoparticles as nanoadsorbents has led way to a new class of magnetic separation strategies for water treatment. This review focuses on highlighting some of the most recent advances in core-shell iron oxide magnetic nanoparticles and nanocomposites containing iron oxide nanoparticles currently being developed for water and wastewater treatment of organic pollutants. We discuss the novelty of these novel materials and the insight gained from their advances that can help develop cost-effective reusable technologies for scale-up and commercial use.

Abstract
What motivated Latinos to turnout in 2020 in the middle of a global health pandemic that has devastated their community financially, physically and mentally? How might we explain Latino support for each one of the Presidential candidates in the context of these crises? In this paper, we tackle these questions through an investigation of the factors that drove Latino turnout in 2020 and what might explain Latino favorability for Joe Biden and Donald Trump. To contextualize these findings, we compare these results to the 2016 election. We find that the most predictive factors of Latino turnout in 2020 were perceived group discrimination and mobilization efforts by campaigns and other organizations. We also find that Latino candidate preference in 2020 can be best explained by issue prioritization. Latinos for whom the economy was the most important issue were more likely to support Donald Trump. However, Latinos for whom COVID-19 and racism towards the Latino community were the top pressing political priorities were more likely to favor Joe Biden. These findings continue to shed light on the diversity and heterogeneity of the Latino vote and speak to the significance of outreach efforts by political parties, candidates and community organizations.

Objective: To identify which mentoring domains influence publication productivity among early career researchers and trainees and whether publication productivity differs between underrepresented minority (URM) and well-represented groups (WRGs). The mentoring aspects that promote publica­tion productivity remain unclear. Advancing health equity requires a diverse workforce, yet URM trainees are less likely to publish and URM investigators are less likely to ob­tain federal research grants, relative to WRG counterparts.Participants: Early career biomedical investigators and trainees from the National Research Mentoring Network (NRMN), N=115.Methods: A mentoring-focused online follow-up survey was administered to respondents of the NRMN Annual Survey who self-identified as mentees. Publications were identified from a public database and validated with participant CV data. Bivariate and multivariate analyses tested the as­sociations of publication productivity with mentoring domains.Results: URM investigators and trainees had fewer publications (M = 7.3) than their WRG counterparts (M = 13.8). Controlling for career stage and social characteristics, those who worked on funded projects, and received grant-writing or research mentorship, had a higher probability of any publications. Controlling for URM status, gender, and career stage, mentorship on grant-writing and funding was positively as­sociated with publication count (IRR=1.72). Holding career stage, gender, and mentor­ing experiences constant, WRG investigators and trainees had more publications than their URM counterparts (IRR=1.66).Conclusions: Grant-writing mentorship is particularly important for publica­tion productivity. Future research should investigate whether grant-writing mentor­ship differentially impacts URM and WRG investigators and should investigate how and why grant-writing mentorship fosters increased publication productivity. Ethn Dis. 2021;31(2):273-282; doi:10.18865/ed.31.2.273

We analyze official state primary election returns from a subset of states with large populations of Asian American and Latino voters to evaluate their candidate preferences and participation rates going into the 2020 general election.

Este articulo aborda el problema estructural del Sistema General de Pensiones en Colombia, en relación con la información consignada en la Historia Laboral Pensional y como este problema genera contratiempos al momento del reconocimiento de prestaciones económicas. Tiene como objetivo principal proponer una solución a esta problemática específicamente en el caso de Bogotá D.C. Este trabajo hace parte del estudio realizado en el marco del Convenio de Cooperación No. 000003 de 2016 celebrado entre el FONCEP y la OISS.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- PART ONE. The Trump paradox -- 1. How Do We Explain Trump's Paradoxical Yet Electorally Successful Use of a False US-Mexico Narrative? -- Chapter 2 What Were the Paradoxical Consequences of Militarizing the Border with Mexico? -- PART TWO. Mexico-US migration -- 3. How Did We Get to the Current Mexico-US Migration System, and How Might It Look in the Near Future? -- Chapter 4 Recession versus Removals: Which Finished Mexican Unauthorized Migration? -- Chapter 5 How Is the Health of the Mexican-Origin Population on Both Sides of the Border Affected by Policies and Attitudes in the United States? -- Chapter 6 What Shall Be the Future for the Children of Migration? -- Chapter 7 What Are the Policy Implications of Declining Unauthorized Immigration from Mexico? -- Chapter 8 How Does Mexican Migration Affect the US Labor Market? -- PART THREE. Trade integration -- Chapter 9 Before and after NAFTA -- Chapter 10 What Is the Relationship between US-Mexico Migration and Trade in Agriculture? -- Chapter 11 Is Complementarity Sustainable in the US-Mexico Automotive Sector? -- Chapter 12 What Policies Make Sense in a US-Mexico Trade Deal? -- Part Four Racial Politics -- Chapter 13 What Is the Historical and Political Context for Trump's Nativist Appeal? -- Chapter 14 How Has the New Mexico-US Relationship Affected Mexican Nationalism? -- Chapter 15 What Are the Social Consequences of Immigrant Scapegoating by Political Elites? -- Chapter 16 How Do Latinos Respond to Anti-Immigrant Politics? -- Chapter 17 Anti-Immigrant Backlash: Is There a Path Forward? -- Acronyms -- Notes -- Glossary of Key Terms -- References -- Contributors -- Index