Suchergebnisse

The article analyzes the reforms of the political system of Russia, starting with the revolution of 1905 and ending with the reforms of Boris Yeltsin in the 90s of the twentieth century. The author shows t that the political model that had developed in tsarist Russia by the beginning of the last century did not meet the needs and realities of that time and did not allow the country to develop dynamically. The inconsistency of the reforms proposed by Nicholas II, against the background of Russia's unsuccessful participation in the First World War, led the country in 1917, first to the February and then the October revolutions, which ended the monarchy, proclaimed a republic, first bourgeois, and then Soviet. But even these reforms did not allow us to abandon the authoritarian form of government that reigned in the Soviet Union for more than 70 years. The reform initiatives of the 60s by N. Khrushchev and A. Kosygin, aimed at softening the current political and economic regime, also had little success. The most decisive attempt to transform this regime towards its greater effectiveness and sustainability were the reforms of Mikhail Gorbachev, known as "perestroika". They assumed a radical transformation of the existing political and economic slowness by giving it real competitiveness, more active involvement of citizens in public and business activity, rejection of the ideological and political monopolism of the Communist Party. But the initiators of perestroika failed to implement all these ideas in a short five-year period. Many of their ideas were embodied in the reforms of Boris Yeltsin, the results of which were enshrined in the Constitution of the Russian Federation in 1993. But their practical implementation in the last decade of the twentieth century showed that so far Russia has not been able to completely abandon the ideas and principles of political monopolism, which do not allow the people to put into practice their socio-economic potential and ensure the country's sustainable and progressive ...

The article presents the results of the analysis of the process of creating a new pan– European interstate entity – the European Political Community (EPC). This project was initiated by French President E. Macron in May 2022 and immediately received support from the leaders of leading European countries, as well as the leadership of the European Council and the European Commission. On October 6, 2022, the first summit of the European Political Community was held in Prague, which was attended by the heads of state and government of 44 countries, including the United Kingdom, as well as the heads of the European Council and the European Commission. The main topics on the agenda of this summit was the energy crisis, as well as the strategy for further development of this project. Particular attention within the framework of the EPC was aroused by the desire of the UK leadership to take part in it and thereby try to restore cooperation with the European Union. Given the role and influence of this country on the international agenda, its participation in this project will give it additional weight and influence. An analysis of the prospects for further development of the EPC shows that this project has serious potential, especially in the field of security, energy and infrastructure, which is confirmed by the participation of countries such as Azerbaijan and Turkey in it.

The article presents an analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections held in France in June 2022 and analyzes the program positions of the leading political forces of France that took part in them on pan-European topics. It is shown that the ruling coalition, which unites parties that were loyal to the incumbent President E. Macron, expressed full support for a united Europe in their election program. The coalition of leftists, socialists and environmentalists led by J.-L. Melenchon regarding the European Union is divided. Melenchon's left-wing radicals took a rather critical position on this issue, while socialists and environmentalists remained moderately skeptical, generally supporting the need to preserve the European Union. M. Le Pen's National Unification party was extremely disapproving of united Europe, but at the same time refused to form a coalition with the right-wing party of E. Zemmour, who was most negatively disposed towards the EU. It is noted that the 10 factions formed in the French Parliament following the results of these elections represent the entire spectrum of possible relations to the European Union: from full support to sharp denial, which will undoubtedly make it difficult for E. Macron to pursue a proEuropean policy based on the French parliament, which he constantly declares.

The article analyzes the cooperation of three pan-European political organizations – the Party of the European Left (PEL), the European Free Alliance (EFA) and the European Christian Political Movement (ECPD) – with their partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine). All these European parties, since 2014, have sought to establish cooperation with ideologically close parties from these countries and even accepted them into their ranks as full members. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders, the results of participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections, interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of electoral and ruling coalitions were studied. The main provisions of their program documents, which reflect the pro-European choice, as well as press releases and statements by the leaders of the PEL, the EFA and the ECPM, concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership, are given. It is shown that all three European parties supported this program and their partners, regardless of their electoral results. It is noted that in Belarus and Moldova, the local PEL member parties, and in Ukraine, the ECPM member party initially achieved good results in national and local elections, but in recent years most of them have found themselves on the political periphery. The reasons for this phenomenon vary from country to country. Nevertheless, European leftists, Regionalists and Christian Democrats are confident that as the situation stabilizes, issues of social justice, strengthening sovereignty and preserving traditional values will return to the political agenda and become in demand again. It was noted that two more European parties, Identity and Democracy and the European Democratic Party, which have official registration in the EU, currently have no ties with parties from the Eastern Partnership member countries.

The article analyzes the cooperation of one of the leading pan–European political organizations – the Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists (AECR) – with its partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova). Since 2014, European conservatives and reformists have sought to establish partnerships with the conservative parties of these countries and even accepted them into their ranks as full members. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders, the results of participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections, interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of electoral and ruling coalitions were studied. The main provisions of their program documents, which reflect the pro-European choice, as well as press releases and statements by the leaders of the AECR concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership, are given. It is shown that the AECR actively supported this program and its partners, regardless of their electoral results. It was noted that in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia and Moldova, local AECR member parties initially achieved good results in elections, including in national parliaments, but in recent years some of them have found themselves on the political periphery. The reasons for this phenomenon vary from country to country. Nevertheless, European conservatives and reformists are confident that as the situation stabilizes, the issues of strengthening sovereignty and preserving traditional values will return to the political agenda and become in demand again.

The article analyzes the cooperation of one of the leading pan–European political organizations – the European Green Party (EPP) – with its partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine). Since 1994, the European Greens have established partnerships with the environmental parties of these countries and even accepted them into their ranks. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders, the results of participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections were studied. The interaction of these parties with other political forces of their countries on the formation of pre-election and ruling coalitions is considered. The main provisions of their program documents, which reflect the pro–European choice, as well as the resolutions of the EPZ Council concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program, are given. It is shown that the EPZ actively supported this program itself and its partners, regardless of their electoral results. It is noted that in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, local green parties initially achieved good results in elections, including in the national parliament, but in recent years they have fallen by the wayside of the party-political system of their countries due to a number of objective and subjective circumstances. First of all, this was due to the fact that the political turbulence characteristic of these states made environmental issues irrelevant to public consciousness. Nevertheless, the European greens are confident that as the situation stabilizes, the issues of environmental protection and sustainable development will return to the political agenda and the green parties will once again become in demand.

The article analyzes the results of cooperation of one of the leading pan-European political organizations – the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) with its partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine), with which ALDE has established cooperation and even accepted to become its members. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders were studied, including the results of their participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections, as well as interaction with other political forces of their countries to form electoral and ruling coalitions. Information is provided on when these parties became members of ALDE and what status they have today in this European Party. The main provisions of the program documents of these parties, which reflect their pro-European choice, are given. A number of resolutions adopted by the ALDE Council, which is the main governing body of this party, were considered, which concerned the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program and the support of their partner parties. It is shown how ALDE's strategy regarding cooperation with parties from the Eastern Partnership member countries has changed depending on the results of their participation in parliamentary and presidential elections. It is noted that ALDEэs initial bet on cooperation with the former heads of these states, or well-known politicians, and the parties headed by them did not justify itself in Armenia, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. It is assumed that ALDE has recently changed its policy and is now betting on new parties led by young pro-European-oriented politicians, but it is not yet clear whether such a change in the paradigm of cooperation will justify itself

The article analyzes the results of cooperation between two leading pan-European political organizations – the European People's Party (EPP) and the Party of European Socialists (PES) with their counterparts in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine), except Azerbaijan. It is considered with which political forces and why the EPP and the PES have established interaction and even accepted them into their membership. The profiles of these political organizations were studied, including the results of their participation in the national parliamentary and presidential elections and interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of ruling coalitions. Information is provided on when these parties joined, respectively, the EPP and the PES, and what status they have today in these European structures. The main provisions of the resolutions of the governing bodies of the EPN and the PES concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program and the support of their partner parties in these countries are presented. It shows how the foreign policy course of the Eastern Partnership member countries changed after political organizations that closely cooperate with their European counterparts came to power. It is noted that in almost all of these countries there has recently been a steady desire to strengthen political and economic partnership with the European Union and Western countries in general. And only one country. Georgia is still trying to maintain a balance in relations with Western countries and Russia. Key words: European parties, party system, Eastern Partnership program, elections.

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Czech Republic, which took place on October 8-9, 2021. During them, the ruling ANO movement, headed by Prime Minister A. Babis, suffered an unexpected defeat. The winner of the vote was Together coalition, a three-party coalition with the goal of removing the Prime Minister due to his controversial reputation and alleged violation of democratic governance. The paper substantiates the decline in the popularity of ANO movement, outlines the opposition's tools in the fight against the main competitor. Author characterized the reasons that led to the reduction of the representation of the Czech Pirate Party in the new composition of parliament, one of the favorites of pre-election sociological research. The factors of support growth for the movement «Mayors and Independents» are identified. Author paid attention to the historical failure of the Czech left. The author notes that according to the vote results, the Czech society remains polarized and disunited due to the presence of a large population group that does not agree with the ideology of the victorious forces

This article presents an analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections held in Cyprus on May 30, 2021. These elections were held in the context of the aggravation of the issue of the division of the island into Cypriot and Turkish parts and an increase in illegal migration to the island, an increase in the negative impact of the Covid‐19 pandemic, as well as a number of corruption scandals related to the issuance of so-called golden passports. It is shown that the leading Cypriot parties, the ruling Democratic Union and the opposition Progressive Workers Party of Cyprus, continue to lose their supporters who are dissatisfied with the existing party-political system and the inability of these parties for many years to resolve the issue of dividing the country into two states. The center-left Democratic Party (DP) and the Movement for Social Democracy, which took third and fifth places, respectively, retained their modest positions. Against this background, the influence of the nationalist «National Popular Front», which supports the federalization of the Republic of Cyprus, has grown, which came in fourth place. And for the first time, a new liberal party, the Democratic Front, was elected to parliament, also advocating an early solution to the issue of dividing the island by involving international mediators.

The article explores the formation of a single European socio-political space and the evolution of the institution of pan-European political parties (Europarties). It is shown that the growth of practical and scientific interest to the European parties was associated with the gradual strengthening of the role and influence of this relatively new institution in the political system of the EU. The authors identified new trends in the development of the institute of European parties. On the one hand, the confrontation between the supporters of European integration (Eurooptimists) and their opponents (Eurosceptics) has intensified. On the other hand, the format of relations between individual European parties (in particular, the Party of European Socialists, which traditionally supports the expansion of ties between governments and society) with European civil society and key political institutions of the EU (the European Council, the European Commission and the European Parliament) is gradually changing. Based on the analysis of materials related to the activities of the Party of European Socialists (PES) in the last two years, it is shown that this party has managed to create specific tools and mechanisms to strengthen its ties with civil activists (the so-called PES networks on various issues), national member parties, to involve representatives of this party in its work in the European Council, the European Commission and the European Parliament.

This article presents an analysis of the process of changing the approach of the European social democratic parties to the social policy and employment policy of the European Union in the post-crisis period. In particular, the role of the Party of European Socialists (PES) and its group Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament (EP) in the development and implementation of a new strategy for strengthening the social sphere, presented by the European Commission headed by J.-C. Juncker at the initiative of the representatives of the PES in it, including the initiative for the creation of the European Pillar of Social Rights (EPSR). Various options for coping with the consequences of the COVID‐19 pandemic proposed by the PES, as well as the new strategy for the transition to a social Europe put forward by it, are considered.

This article presents an analysis of the activities of ten new European parties that do not yet have official registration in the European Union: the Europe-Democracy-Esperanto, the New Europeans, European Party of Individual Freedoms, the European Pirate Party, the European Party for Animal Rights, the European Federalist Party, Volt Europe, the Movement for Democracy in Europe 2025, and Now the People, which have appeared on the European political arena in the last 15-20 years, do not yet have official recognition, Nevertheless, their representatives participate in pan-European and national elections, sometimes quite successfully. A brief historical overview of the emergence and formation of each of these parties is given, their ideological platforms and membership base are presented. The results of their participation in the European elections are considered and it is noted with which factions of European parties in the European Parliament the MEPs elected from these parties cooperate. In conclusion, an analysis of the future prospects for the development of these parties is presented.