Neste artigo, identidicamos uma invisibilidade acerca da vasta produção do marxismo negro. Nosso objetivo com este trabalho é introduzir o tema e chamar a atenção para um problema sério: como o desconhecimento dessa tradição permite que ideias já trabalhadas e desenvolvidas por marxistas negros nos apareçam como novidades. Ocultar as origens negras das teorias críticas apenas serve para reproduzir o racismo epistêmico que estabelece o pensamento negro como inferior e o pensamento branco como superior.
This article provides a definition of racism inspired in the work of Frantz Fanon, Boaventura de Sousa Santos and contemporary Caribbean Fanonian Philosophers. It discusses racism in relation to zone of being and zone of non-being. Racism is discussed as a dehumanization related to the materiality of domination used by the world-system in the zone of non-being (violence and dispossession) as opposed to the materiality of domination in the zone of being (regulation and emancipation). The approach shows how intersectionality of oppressions work differently for oppressed people in the zone of being as opposed to oppressed people in the zone of non-being. While in the zone of being oppressions are mitigated by racial privilege, in the zone of non-being oppressions are aggravated by racial oppression.
The potential for producing subaltern epistemologies for global capitalism through transmodernity, border thinking & global reality is argued to provide resources from the epistemic perspective of ethnic studies that can enter critical globalization perspective. An examination of the contribution ethnic studies to epistemological recognizes the situatedness of all knowledge to argue that the main point of social values and knowledge is the locus of enunciation, or the geopolitical location of the speaker. The fact that globalization studies have not arrived at epistemological & theoretical implications of the epistemic critique coming from subaltern locations challenges scholars to shift to a politics of knowledge that would reveal the broader & wider system that arrived with colonists, & that economic reductionism is unable to account for. Using the "coloniality of power" perspective would replace European ideas of development, the Marxist paradigm, the old divisions between culture & political economy, the conflation of colonial & colonialism, & reductionist thinking about social change. Moving from global colonialism to global coloniality locates subaltern logic in the very modern border thinking, utopian projects, & anti-capitalist projects to conclude that the solution to global inequalities requires imagining global utopian alternatives beyond colonialist, nationalist, Eurocentric & fundamentalist binary ways of thinking. References. J. Harwell
Explores five major insular migrations arriving in the US during this century: Cubans, Dominicans, Haitians, Jamaicans, & Puerto Ricans. Examined are historical origins of these outflows, focusing on the role of shifting external hegemony over the region & the resulting changes in economic structure. In the small Caribbean nations, a common pattern of US hegemony interacted with very diverse colonial experiences to produce different political & economic structures. The latter have been reflected, in turn, in the character of Caribbean migration flows & the relative success of the ethnic communities that they spawn. Immigrants from these island nations are not solely unskilled workers, but comprise a diversified lot that includes entrepreneurs, professionals, technicians, & skilled workers. 6 Tables. Adapted from the source document.
This article analyses and compares the demographic and socio‐economic characteristics of persons born abroad who immigrated to New York City after 1965 and still lived in the City in 1990. Using data from the 1990 Census, we classify persons into the twenty four largest national origin groups and compare their demographic and socio‐economic characteristics (sex, age, educational attainment, labour force participation, unemployment, occupation, income, and poverty). We pose and answer three empirical questions. The first question is: what are some of the main differences by national origin in the composition of persons immigrating to New York City after 1965? The second question is: what are some of the main differences in the location of post‐1965 immigrants in New York's socio‐economic structure? The third question is: what are some of the main differences in the economic rewards received by persons who immigrated to New York City since 1965? We find that immigrants with less than a high school education have higher labour force participation rates than the US‐born population in the same educational category and also have slightly higher earnings. Immigrants with a high school degree have labour force participation rates close to (or slightly higher than) the average for the US‐born population but their incomes are slightly lower than the average income for the US‐born population. Immigrants with a college degree have participation rates similar or slightly lower that those of the US‐born population while their earnings are significantly lower that those of US‐born college graduates.
