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This article aims to illustrate the confusion within today's secessionist movements regarding the liberal and the nationalist arguments for legitimizing secession. To do so, the liberal theory of secession – understood as an approach primarily based on consent – is examined, its limitations highlighted, and its contradictions with nationalism stated. We then use the case of the fictional Tabarnia region to show how problematic the use of liberal arguments by secessionist nationalism is. Although until now only a virtual region, Tabarnia exemplifies how nationalist arguments reappear in the defence of Catalan independence when its supporters claim to advance only (liberal) arguments of free association. ; pre-print ; 196 KB

This article aims to illustrate the confusion within today's secessionist movements regarding the liberal and the nationalist arguments for legitimizing secession. To do so, the liberal theory of secession – understood as an approach primarily based on consent – is examined, its limitations highlighted, and its contradictions with nationalism stated. We then use the case of the fictional Tabarnia region to show how problematic the use of liberal arguments by secessionist nationalism is. Although until now only a virtual region, Tabarnia exemplifies how nationalist arguments reappear in the defence of Catalan independence when its supporters claim to advance only (liberal) arguments of free association. ; pre-print ; 196 KB

AbstractThe article introduces a symposium, "The Crowd in the History of Political Thought," which is being published as a two-part special issue. The articles are by American and European scholars with disparate interests and approaches to the history of political thought. Some engage contemporary questions, while others offer interpretive analyses. Today, commentators, scholars, and pundits alike ignore the history of political thought to the detriment of their understanding of populism. Many thinkers have reflected on democratic health and sickness. The articles here furnish a partial catalog of the quarrels associated with this inherited vocabulary. The tradition itself is best conceived of as an unfinished Socratic conversation. In this issue, articles on Thucydides, Aristophanes, Plato, and Aristotle orbit the original democracy at Athens, the backdrop for reflections on popular rule of so many thinkers. The final article on Josephus moves away from the experience of the Greek polis toward the more contemporary preoccupations of the second issue.

This article aims to illustrate the confusion within today's secessionist movements regarding the liberal and the nationalist arguments for legitimising secession. To do so, the liberal theory of secession – understood as an approach primarily based on consent – is examined, its limitations highlighted and its contradictions with nationalism stated. We then use the case of the fictional Tabarnia region to show how problematic the use of liberal arguments by secessionist nationalism is. Although until now only a virtual region, Tabarnia exemplifies how nationalist arguments reappear in the defence of Catalan independence when its supporters claim to only propose arguments of free association.