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"Private restrictions on racial occupancy are a critical element and episode in the history of American inequality. This study draws on newly available full count (parcel-level) data on racial restriction for five Midwestern counties. The research makes four important and overlapping contributions to our understanding of the history of the American city, and to the patterns and processes of segregation and stratification that are so central to that history. First, it elevates and clarifies the role of private restriction in the history and architecture of racial segregation in the United States. Second, it documents the astonishing scale and reach of private racial restriction. Third, this record of private restriction offers a compelling documentary catalogue of both local and individual acts of discrimination or segregation, and of the racial assumptions and racial categories that animated them. Finally, the importance of private restriction to our account of racial segregation shifts our attention from public to private actors, and from the local and federal housing polices of the 1940s to the patchwork apartheid of private restriction that those policies accommodated, emulated and, over time, locked down. The trajectory of racial residential segregation in most settings simply does not support the conclusion that it was primarily or overwhelmingly a product of public policy. Public policies did not segregate America; they failed to challenge that segregation when confronted with it, and routinely deferred to the private actors who were responsible."

Introduction -- Fragmenting citizenship: municipal incorporation and annexation -- Segregating citizenship: schools, safety, and sewers -- Bulldozing citizenship: renewal, redevelopment, and relocation -- Arresting citizenship: segregation, austerity, and predatory policing -- Conclusion.

Mapping Decline, illustrated with more than 75 full-color maps, traces the ways private real estate restrictions, local planning and zoning, federal housing policies, and urban renewal encouraged "white flight" and urban decline in St. Louis, Missouri.

Why, alone among industrial democracies, does the United States not have national health insurance? While many books have addressed this question, Dead on Arrival is the first to do so based on original archival research for the full sweep of the twentieth century. Drawing on a wide range of political, reform, business, and labor records, Colin Gordon traces a complex and interwoven story of political failure and private response. He examines, in turn, the emergence of private, work-based benefits; the uniquely American pursuit of "social insurance"; the influence of race and gender on the he

Like all previously published volumes of his lectures, the content of The Government of the Living defies brief summary. It shows us Foucault in 1980 mapping out a major new phase in his work in terms that complicate our existing understanding of his unfinished project. My review looks in turn at the two parts of the course: an unusually lengthy discussion of method and heuristics, followed by a tightly focused study of early Christian regimes of truth. I suggest that the complex opening theoretical reflections in these lectures go well beyond mapping the course of the immediately following historical analysis. They need to be seen in coordination with other conceptual innovations introduced over the following years, putting a task that Foucault calls here a "history of the power of truth" on his agenda alongside, and in integral connection with the previously defined tasks of a history of governmentality and a history of the subject. A newly published discussion in Berkeley later in 1980 adds crucial context to these Paris lectures, spelling out the linkage of structures of subjectivation to governability and of penitential ascetics to pastoral power. Taken together, the later books and lectures can now be seen to establish a framework of what I suggest we can call "alethic" or "aletheological" analysis, analysing and mapping across the span of Western history the modes of engagement of life and truth, with a view to enabling a renewed analysis of the political present.

Does technological change breed inequality? This notion, in some version or other, has become a staple explanation for our growing economic divide. It features prominently in the "meritocracy" defense of the 1 percent, which assumes (as Harvard economist Greg Mankiw put it recently) that "changes in technology have allowed a small number of highly educated and exceptionally talented individuals to command superstar incomes in ways that were not possible a generation ago." It peppers the breathless prose of columnist Thomas Friedman, who makes a living mixing metaphors about our flat, smart, hyperconnected, seamless supply chain of a world.

Does technological change breed inequality? This notion, in some version or other, has become a staple explanation for our growing economic divide. It features prominently in the 'meritocracy' defense of the 1 percent, which assumes (as Harvard economist Greg Mankiw put it recently) that 'changes in technology have allowed a small number of highly educated and exceptionally talented individuals to command superstar incomes in ways that were not possible a generation ago.' It peppers the breathless prose of columnist Thomas Friedman, who makes a living mixing metaphors about our flat, smart, hyperconnected, seamless supply chain of a world. Adapted from the source document.