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In recent decades, advocates for police reform on the political left and right have proposed numerous changes to how street-level policing operates. One such proposed reform, which has been adopted in jurisdictions nationwide, is "proactive policing," that is, policing strategies based on the notion that by proactively regulating minor offenses, the police can reduce both serious crime and fear of crime in the community. Yet, as with many proposed police reforms, researchers have not undertaken a through benefit-cost analysis of proactive policing. This article lays out strategies for estimating the impacts of proactive policing, including direct, indirect, and distributional impacts. First, I describe quasi-experimental approaches, which entail partnerships between researchers and police departments and would be particularly useful when a municipality is considering a move to proactive policing in the first instance, expansion of small-scale proactive policing to a larger area, or the introduction of particular new tactics. Second, I describe nonexperimental retrospective approaches, including conventional regression analysis, which can also allow researchers to estimate the effects of proactive policing. I discuss potential threats to validity for both strategies. I close by describing the data that researchers wishing to engage in benefit-cost analysis of proactive policing would need in order to do so.

The purpose of this essay is to discuss the creation of a new panopticon created by the media, the state, and the discourses of No Child Left Behind. In this new panopticon, teachers and scholars police themselves into silence for fear of serious personal and professional consequences should they critique public education policy (e.g., No Child Left Behind), which is currently eroding freedom, democracy, and social justice. This essay will describe the new panopticon, the media's role in constructing No Child Left Behind as a benign, even beneficial regulation, and how the media has supported the state in its efforts to silence opposition to the new federal legislation. The essay will conclude with a reflection on the relationship on how teachers and scholars might once again "police the crisis" instead of the crisis policing them.

ABSTRACT: Though all fields of inquiry have to struggle with their own unwelcome truths regarding unknowability, philosophy's relationship with unknowability is special. But philosophy's woes regarding unknowability are all of our woes, since what philosophy reveals as unknowable are pivotal presumptions that are implicated in the general conceptual framework we all presume in pursuing our lives with some minimum degree of coherence. When philosophical reflection reveals that we are not entitled to these presumptions, then our entire grip on coherence seems to loosen. Unknowability then seems not to be localized within some highly specialized field but rather to engulf us globally.

Intro -- Through a Distorted Lens: Media as Curricula and Pedagogy in the 21st Century -- TABLE OF CONTENTS -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part One: Probing the Media: Contexts, Theories, and Problems in the 21st Century -- 1. Currere 2.0: A 21st-Century Curricular "Know Thyself" Strategy Explicating Cultural Mediations of What It Means and Not to Be Fully Human -- 2. Public Pedagogy for Private Profit: The Hidden Curriculum of Reality TV -- 3. Selling the Norm: How the Media Shapes Perceptions of Disability through Advertising -- Part Two: Learning to "See" the Curricula and Pedagogy of the Media: Uncovering the Official and the Hidden -- 4. Healthy Democracy: What Grey's Anatomy Teaches Audience Members about Deserving Patients and Good Citizens -- 5. Black Twitter and Black Feminist Epistemology: Illuminating Ways of Knowing -- 6. How Dare You Make Her Black! (Mis)Reading Race in The Hunger Games and a (Lost) Opportunity to Teach for Social Imagination, Responsibility and Justice -- 7. Map as Weapon: Geography, Maps, and Their Use in Media -- Part Three: Transforming Media, Curricula, Pedagogies and the Public -- 8. "Are You Here to Tell a Story?" The Pedagogies of Reality Television -- 9. "Let's Face It": Tertiary Students Consuming, Producing, and Critically Appraising Media Representations of Contemporary Health Issues -- 10. Towards Structural Attribution: Using Détournement with Preservice Teachers to Challenge the Teacher Savior Myth -- 11. Teaching Media Critique through The Colbert Report: Toward a Parodic Pedagogy -- Author Biographies -- Index.

AbstractIndividual cities are active interest groups in lobbying the federal government, and yet the dynamics of this intergovernmental lobbying are poorly understood. We argue that preference incongruence between a city and its parent state government leads to underprovision of public goods, and cities need to appeal to the federal government for additional resources. We provide evidence for this theory using a data set of over 13,800 lobbying disclosures filed by cities with populations over 25,000 between 1999 and 2012. Income inequality and ethnic fragmentation are also highly related to federal lobbying activities. Using an instrumental variables analysis of earmark and Recovery Act grant data, we show that each dollar a city spends on lobbying generates substantial returns.