Suchergebnisse

It is argued that the view put forward by some analysts that unemployment had little or no effect on constituency results in the 1987 British general election is faulty. It rests on the failure to develop a satisfactory specification of the effects of unemployment, a problem which was also inherent in studies of previous British elections. A suggested new specification is tested and it indicates that changes in unemployment between 1983 and 1987 both at constituency and at regional level had a quite substantial effect on voting shifts in constituencies in 1987.

In Political Studies, 35, Boyne tested the rational staff maximisation hypothesis that bureaucratic power is positively related to labour inputs in the production of goods and services. Reviews Boyne's 2-stage procedure, claiming that it suffers from several deficiencies which render his refutation of the hypothesis, invalid. The most serious of these is the concept and measure of bureaucratic power which he uses. (SJK)

It is argued that the consensus view that rate increases do not have an important effect in local elections is based on studies which suffer from weaknesses in their empirical tests and theoretical framework. Using data on swings in votes in local elections in 1984, 1985, and 1986 it is found that rate increases are a statistically significant determinant of such swings. The results also support the inclusion of changes in the level of services as an explanatory variable in such studies. The results explain the observed apprehension of many councillors about the electoral consequences of rate increases.

The paper by Boyne (64, Spring 1986) included a rankings of local authorities' staffing levels in relation to needs. In view of the surprises it contained, scrutinises the theoretical basis of the ranking procedure and the specification of the regression equation estimating staffing requirements. (PAS)

The consensus view that rate increases do not have an important effect in local elections is based on studies which suffer from weaknesses in their empirical tests and theoretical framework. Using data on swings in votes in local elections in 1984, 1985 and 1986 it is found that rate increases are a statistically significant determinant of such swings. (Abstract amended)

In Britain the government is proceeding with legislation to replace domestic rates by a poll tax payable by all adults, with non-domestic rates becoming an assigned revenue. Combined with the conversion of all central grants into fixed grants this ensures that local domestic taxpayers will pay the full marginal cost of extra spending in each local authority. This paper argues that the regressive nature of the poll tax means that local authorities will reduce the level of local taxation, which will be replaced by increased central grants. Changes in central grants will become the dominant determinant of changes in each local authority's expenditure and, thus, the local accountability delivered by the new system will be extremely limited.

The government is proceeding with legislation to replace domestic rates by a poll tax payable by all adults. Combined with the conversion of all central grants into fixed grants this ensures that domestic taxpayers will pay the full marginal cost of extra spending in each local authority. Argues that local authorities will reduce local taxation, which will be replaced by increased central grants which, in turn, will become the dominant determinant of changes in each local authority's expenditure making the local accountability delivered by the new system extremely limited. (Abstract amended)