Suchergebnisse

Introduction: Unearthing a genealogy of grassroots economic development -- Section One: Utopian socialist cooperatives -- The Brotherhood of Co-operative Commonweath: modernizing infrastructure and public welfare at the dawn of the Twentieth Century -- Section Two: Rochdale cooperatives -- The New Orleans Housewives' League: white women's political equality and consumer reform -- The Consumers' Co-operative Union: embedding integrated popular front and war on poverty social programs in the South -- Section Three: Hybrid racial justice cooperatives -- Albert Dent and the Free Southern Theater: intergenerational civil rights cooperatives and the fight against racialized economic inequality -- The Louisiana Association of Cooperatives and Gathering Tree Growers' Collective: rebuilding a cooperative food economy in Katrina's aftermath -- Conclusion: Hope for a cooperative life: forecasting cooperative trends -- Notes -- Reference list -- Index.

Der Historiker und Redakteur bei der "taz" untersucht in einer schmalen, systematisch gegliederten und sachlich argumentierenden Studie die neue Qualität eines vordergründig immer aggressiver auftretenden militanten antijüdischen oder antiisraelischen Bewegung. Er unterscheidet dabei rechten, muslimischen und linken Antisemitismus und erläutert an gut ausgewählten Beispielen insbesondere der Jugendlichenszene Formen und Inhalte dieses neuen Antisemitismus und seiner politischen, sozialen und psychologischen Quellen und Herkunft. Zusammenfassend fragt er schließlich nach den Perspektiven eines vor allem soziokulturellen Antisemitismus in Europa. Anmerkungen, Literaturauswahl. Der schlüssig argumentierende Band ist vorzüglich als Textvorlage und Diskussionsunterlage in der politischen Jugendarbeit (ab 14 Jahren), in Schulen (Oberstufe) und für Volkshochschul-Kurse geeignet. (2 J,S)

On the macro level (federal level) and exo level (state or regional level), the German Dual Apprenticeship System shows a high degree of institutionalised collaboration. However, the companies and vocational schools on the meso level (institutional level and level of the actors), in contrast, are just loosely coupled with a dominant partner (i.e., companies) and a subordinate partner (i.e., vocational schools). How and why these structures have emerged, established and stabilised is part of a complex historical, societal and economical process. The historical developmental will be elaborated in the article. The term 'dual system' was invented in Germany in the 1960s, and the intention was to emphasise equal responsibilities, partnership of equals, lively encounters and close collaboration between companies and schools. This vision is not yet a reality, as the presented empirical survey demonstrates. A majority of companies do not or rather seldom collaborate with 'their' vocational schools. 74.2% of the companies do not or seldom coordinate their work, and 93% of the companies do not or seldom cooperate with the vocational schools. The German Dual Apprentice­ship System operates on the actual meso level just on the basis of less than 30% of its potentiality. The term 'parallel systems' seems to be more appropriate to characterise the actual situation on the meso level than the term 'dual system'. (DIPF/Orig.)

On the macro level (federal level) and exo level (state or regional level), the German Dual Apprenticeship System shows a high degree of institutionalised collaboration. However, the companies and vocational schools on the meso level (institutional level and level of the actors), in contrast, are just loosely coupled with a dominant partner (i.e., companies) and subordinate partner (i.e., vocational schools). How and why these structures have emerged, established and stabilised is part of a complex historical, societal and economical process. The historical developmental will be elaborated in the article. The term 'dual system' was invented in Germany in the 1960s, and the intention was to emphasise equal responsibilities, partnership of equals, lively encounters and close collaboration between companies and schools. This vision is not yet a reality, as the presented empirical survey demonstrates. A majority of companies do not or rather seldom collaborate with 'their' vocational schools. 74.2% of the companies do not or seldom coordinate their work, and 93% of the companies do not or seldom cooperate with the vocational schools. The German Dual Apprentice­ship System operates on the actual meso level just on the basis of less than 30% of its potentiality. The term 'parallel systems' seems to be more appropriate to characterise the actual situation on the meso level than the term 'dual system'.

ABSTRACT
This essay examines mid-twentieth-century cooperative organizing in New Orleans by tracing Socialist barber Henry Hermes's efforts to launch an interracial cooperative movement. Hermes fervently believed that public control over industry and government would revitalize democratic institutions and eradicate political repression, institutionalized racism, and corporate capitalism. Established in 1941 as a cooperative grocery store for working-class Freret Neighborhood residents, the Consumers' Co-operative Union (CCU) was the physical manifestation of Hermes's utopian vision. For more than twenty years, the CCU was a space for exchanging local and national ideas about economic cooperation, racial justice, and political reform. Indeed, Hermes depended on a far-reaching New Deal support network that transcended his neighborhood and bridged political, racial, gender, and class divides. However, this coalition disintegrated in the face of white flight, anti-Communist hysteria, and urban economic decline in the 1950s. I contend that while particular depression-era neighborhood politics nurtured the CCU, larger national economic, political, and cultural trends ultimately confounded the cooperative's ability to create sustained economic change in Freret.

"This can be seen clearly in the cases of Catalonia, Quebec, and Scotland and their minority parties; the PQ, the CiU and the SNP. The combination of party systems and electoral systems as well as the degree of regional autonomy has played an important role for their ability to govern and their capability to act on the regional level. After having been elected into government, regional minority parties need to play the game of politics in which actors, driven by their respective interests, have to compete and govern within a specific institutional context. From a neo-institutional perspective, regional minority parties influence these institutions over the long, but they are also constrained by the institutional context. Governance means here the reciprocal interaction between societal and political/institutional factors. These processes can contribute to the disintegration and integration of a multi-level government system. This is connected to a specific leeway of societal mobilization, in which generations are socialized politically in such a way that they become a socalled 'Unabhangigkeitsgeneration' (a generation of people seeking independence). Those generations can then put pressure on the institutional system in different degrees" (author's abstract)

Institutional factors have considerable impact on the success of regional minority parties. This can be seen clearly in the cases of Catalonia, Quebec, and Scotland and their minority parties; the PQ, the CiU and the SNP. The combination of party systems and electoral systems as well as the degree of regional autonomy has played an important role for their ability to govern and their capability to act on the regional level. After having been elected into government, regional minority parties need to play the game of politics in which actors, driven by their respective interests, have to compete and govern within a specific institutional context. From a neo-institutional perspective, regional minority parties influence these institutions over the long, but they are also constrained by the institutional context. Governance means here the reciprocal interaction between societal and political/institutional factors. These processes can contribute to the disintegration and integration of a multi-level government system. This is connected to a specific leeway of societal mobilization, in which generations are socialized politically in such a way that they become a so-called 'Unabhangigkeitsgeneration' (a generation of people seeking independence). Those generations can then put pressure on the institutional system in different degrees. Adapted from the source document.

In the parliamentary elections in the Canadian province of Quebec in April the Liberals (PLQ) have clearly won. The hitherto ruling Parti Quebecois (PQ) was only 25 percent. For the outgoing Prime Minister Pauline Marois and their independence aspirations, the result was a clear defeat. The Parti Quebecois had sought a renewed referendum on secession from Canada. By contrast, the liberals disclaim any independence movements strictly. Adapted from the source document.

"Bei den Parlamentswahlen in der kanadischen Provinz Québéc im April haben die Liberalen (PLQ) klar gewonnen. Die bisher regierende Parti Québécois (PQ) kam nur auf 25 Prozent. Für die scheidende Premierministerin Pauline Marois und ihre Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen war das Ergebnis eine klare Niederlage. Der Parti Québécois hatte ein neuerliches Referendum zur Abspaltung von Kanada angestrebt. Die Liberalen lehnen dagegen jegliche Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen strikt ab." (Autorenreferat)

On the Order of Chaos: Social Anthropology and the Science of Chaos. Mark S. Mosko and Frederick H. Damon, eds. New York: Berghahn, 2005. 276 pp.