Suchergebnisse

AbstractThis article deals with early efforts to facilitate steam navigation between Vienna and Constantinople along the Danube. In addition to analyzing the complex negotiation processes that enabled the first regulation project at the so-called Iron Gates, a narrow gorge situated at the Austrian-Ottoman border, it assesses ways in which the new shipping connection transformed the cultural and spatial perceptions of travelers. The article argues that even though the plan for making the Iron Gates navigable was set out on the drawing boards of engineers and in the cabinets in Pest and Vienna, local circumstances changed its practical implementation in a number of important ways. The success of this major engineering operation relied on close cooperation among hydrological experts, state representatives, and entrepreneurs, all of whom had different stakes in the project but still shared a common interest. Establishing a shipping connection to the Black Sea along the Danube was thus the result of an alignment of interests among Hungarian, Viennese, and local Ottoman authorities; a careful match between theoretical knowledge and practical engineering work; and, last but not least, the surmounting of a mental separation between "Orient" and "Occident."

In this article, I analyze the correspondence between state authorities and citizens in the USSR, the GDR, and Romania. As the consumerist turn spread across the eastern bloc, an important focus of the populations' appeals to the authorities concerned the appropriate levels and conditions of consumption. Their letters display growing consumer aspirations, and from the mid-1960s onward a significant number of these petitions expressed the desire to buy a car. However, when state authorities failed to deliver enough cars, they also shaped a new attitude toward consumption. On the one hand, the population asked for automobiles as favors. On the other, a new discourse of entitlement and even "consumer rights" surfaced. Citizens started to expect a certain lifestyle; moreover, they even believed themselves to be entitled to it. As a consequence, their new sense of entitlement diluted the culture of favors and privilege, thereby contributing to the crisis of legitimacy in late socialism.

Was ist der Unterschied zwischen einem Trabi und einem Düsenjäger? Den Düsenjäger sieht man, bevor man ihn hört. Beim Trabi ist es umgekehrt. Autos aus der Produktion der sozialistischen Staaten gelten als überholt, schadstoffreich und besonders laut. Dies ist nicht erst eine retrospektive Sicht. Für die Besitzer solcher Autos in der Zeit der deutschen und europäischen Teilung waren sie sehr ambivalente Artefakte: Einerseits waren die Mängel offenkundig, anderseits erfuhren die Autos Wertschätzung und Zuneigung, weil der Erwerb eines Pkws nach jahrelanger Wartezeit als wichtiges Zeichen der sozialen Distinktion galt. Die Achtung gegenüber diesen Fahrzeugen war sogar derart verbreitet, dass selbst ein Kind schon anhand der Motorengeräusche erkennen konnte, ob es sich um einen Trabant oder einen Volga handelte. Ein Grund dafür ist selbstverständlich, dass es im Ostblock nur eine begrenzte Anzahl von Autoherstellern gab. Aber hauptsächlich beruhte diese Fähigkeit, Motorgeräusche voneinander zu unterscheiden, auf der persönlichen Erfahrung mit den Autos, die sehr intensiv sein konnte. Der Fokus auf die Geräusche und die Materialität dieser Fahrzeuge erlaubt es daher zum einen, manche Missstände der staatssozialistischen automobilen Gesellschaften kenntlich zu machen; zum anderen gewährt er einen tieferen Einblick in die Alltags- und Erfahrungsgeschichte der Autofahrergemeinschaften.

Abstract
Since the Treaty of Adrianople 1829 the Lower Danube underwent major political, economic and territorial transformations. It changed from a quasi-closed river entirely under Ottoman rule into a site of Great Power intervention. This new found international interest mobilised sustained efforts to make the Danube from the Iron Gates to the Black Sea navigable. Within a few years the Lower Danube turned into an important commercial and communication hub of continental dimensions. It also turned into a place of pilgrimage for politicians, diplomats, merchants and hydraulic engineers from all over Europe enabling a vivid exchange of ideas. The goal of this article is twofold: on one hand it sets out to give an overview over the existing body of historical literature that places the Lower Danube into a transnational framework, and on the other it makes several suggestions for further studies.

Das Auto spielte im Staatssozialismus in der Sowjetunion, in Rumänien und in der DDR eine wichtige Rolle. Es half unter der rigiden Ostpolitik bei der Bewältigung des Alltags und vermittelte seinen Besitzern die Illusion von Freiheit. Anschaulich demonstriert die Autorin, dass das Auto in der Zeit zwischen Stalins Tod und dem Fall der Berliner Mauer ein Knotenpunkt von Wirtschaft, Lebensgestaltung und politischer Legitimation war.

This paper gives a panoramic mapping of the infamous socialist 'economy of shortages' (Kornai) as it was lived and experienced by ordinary socialist citizens. It starts out by framing the general conditions under which private consumption took place in the Soviet Union, East Germany, and Romania in the last three decades of real existing socialism. Consumption issues were settled throughout the Eastern Block in the form of bargains between the state authorities and the population, in which political obedience was traded for material satisfaction. And cars were among the major assets to be distributed, especially as the amount produced could hardly cover the demand. The paper provides several examples of how the official politics of shortages dealt with this issue using politically motivated preferential distribution. In a step further, it elaborates on the inventiveness of the citizen in bending the rules of retail. These subterfuges in the shadow economy constantly challenged planned rationality and in the end wore out the ideology of official consumption.

Between January and June 2019 Romania managed the rotating presidency of the European Union, the first of a trio to be followed by Finland and Croatia. This commentary takes stock of Romania's trajectory over the last few years and offers a broad overview of the country's economy and politics. Where does Romania stand today, more than a decade since it joined the European Union? In the first part, the authors sketch the recent evolution of Romania's economy which has been marked by high growth but overall modest increases in wages, and tight labour markets. In the second part they turn to politics, in particular to the realignment of the political spectrum following the European elections of May 2019. They conclude by pointing out some of the problems that are likely to confront both Bucharest and Brussels in the near future.