Suchergebnisse

Comments penned in the late-Victorian and Edwardian eras leave
few
doubts that many contemporaries believed that women's work (in the
sense of paid employment), particularly that of married women, was bad
for babies. Mothers who were employed in industry received particular
condemnation, accused by their critics of abandoning their children with
the most inadequate of childcare arrangements. As H. Jones, a doctor, put
it in 1894:The children of women engaged in industrial occupations suffer from
the effects of maternal
neglect. They are handicapped from the moment of their birth in the struggle
for existence,
and have to contend not only against the inevitable perils of infancy but
also against perils
due to their neglect by their mothers, and the ignorance of those to whose
care they are
entrusted.Such views did not go unchallenged, however, even at the turn of the
century. Some of Jones's critics, for instance, noting his particular
antipathy to women undertaking industrial occupations, argued that it
was the generally insanitary condition of the towns where women found
industrial employment which underlay the poor survival of their infants,
rather than their mothers' employment per se.

Longtemps on a cru que le travail de la femme mariée était lié au bas niveau de fertilité des mâles actifs dans certains emplois. En utilisant des dénombrements il est possible d'examiner l'attitude des couples pour ce qui regarde la fertilité, à l'aide d'un bon nombre de combinaisons des divers emplois. Cet article nous apprend que l'on trouve un lien entre le travail féminin et une basse fertilité à Keighley, dans le West Yorkshire, mais cette relation n'est pas si simple que cela. Des données chiffrées, utilisées en transversales ou en verticales, démontrent que le travail des femmes, leur fertilité, ainsi que la participation de leurs maris au marché de l'emploi entrent tous trois en interaction, qui s'équilibre plutôt par chance que par raisonnement.

AbstractThis article produces the first findings on changes in household and family structure in England and Wales during 1851–1911, using the recently available Integrated Census Microdata (I-CeM) – a complete count database of individual-level data extending to some 188 million records. As such, it extends and updates the important overview article published inContinuity and Changeby Michael Anderson in 1988. The I-CeM data shed new light on transitions in household structure and family life during this period, illustrating both continuities and change in a number of key areas: family composition; single parent families; living alone; extended households; childhood; leaving home and marriage patterns.