Brown and Down Theater in the Time of Pending Erasure
In: Aztlán: international journal of Chicano studies research, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 223-237
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In: Aztlán: international journal of Chicano studies research, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 223-237
In: Journal of Latin American studies, Band 47, Heft 3, S. 620-621
ISSN: 1469-767X
In: Journal of Latin American studies, Band 47, Heft 3, S. 620-621
ISSN: 0022-216X
In: SECO / WTI Academic Cooperation Project Working Paper Series 2013/09
SSRN
Working paper
In: Revista de ciencia política, Band 25, Heft 1
ISSN: 0718-090X
In: Journal of women, politics & policy, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 260-271
ISSN: 1554-4788
In: Opinião pública: publicação de Centro de Estudos de Opiniao Publica da Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 452-474
ISSN: 1807-0191
How do citizens decide who to vote for in an election? Traditional answers focus on the role of political knowledge, party identification, and evaluations of the past performance of governments as explanatory variables. In this study we evaluate an alternative argument: the role of emotions. Using data from a survey carried out following the Chilean general elections of December 2017, this article investigates the association of emotions with the vote for Sebastián Piñera, and how emotions interact with other relevant factors that correlate with the vote. We conclude that in Chile, together with party identification and the evaluation of past governments, the emotions aroused by candidates are strongly associated with the voting decision.
In: Colombia internacional, Heft 103, S. 111-138
ISSN: 1900-6004
How do citizens decide who to vote for in an election? Traditional answers focus on the role of political knowledge, party identification, and evaluations of the past performance of governments as explanatory variables. In this study we evaluate an alternative argument: the role of emotions. Using data from a survey carried out following the Chilean general elections of December 2017, this article investigates the association of emotions with the vote for Sebastián Piñera, and how emotions interact with other relevant factors that correlate with the vote. We conclude that in Chile, together with party identification and the evaluation of past governments, the emotions aroused by candidates are strongly associated with the voting decision.
BASE
In: Revista de ciencia política, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 25-47
ISSN: 0718-090X
This paper studies the participation and influence of IGs on Chilean Foreign Policy between 1990 and 2014, in light of the main results provided by academic literature on this topic. To do this, we created an original database of 590 international treaties that Chile subscribed in the period, and analyzed it using quantitative techniques. The paper argues, first, that the participation of IGs in the matter is rather low, and that the participation pattern is highly unbalanced. Second, our preference attainment analysis underlies that the agreement between the preferences of business IGs and the content of treaties is no greater than that of other type of IGs.
BASE
In: SECO/WTI Academic Cooperation Project Working Paper Series 2017/09
SSRN
Working paper
In: Revista de ciencia política, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 123-144
ISSN: 0718-090X
In: Papel político, Band 20, Heft 2
ISSN: 2145-0617
<p>¿Cuán desigual es percibida la sociedad chilena por los ciudadanos? ¿Ha cambiado la imagen que los chilenos tienen de esa desigualdad en los últimos años? ¿Qué factores determinan los niveles de desigualdad percibidos? Utilizando datos provenientes de las encuestas del Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP) abordamos estas preguntas. Los resultados muestran que los chilenos perciben mayoritariamente que viven en una sociedad desigual, que esas percepciones han variado poco entre 2000 y 2013, aunque mostrando un percepción levemente más positiva hacia 2013, y que los principales determinantes de esas percepciones son económicos y no políticos.</p>
In: Latin American politics and society, Band 58, Heft 4, S. 126-144
ISSN: 1548-2456
AbstractIn 2015, a center-left government introduced an electoral reform that replaced the binomial electoral system governing parliamentary elections since 1989 with a more proportional system. This article provides an account of the reform process, describes the new electoral law, and discusses the factors explaining the reform. We argue, first, that it was possible, due to the incentives the government provided, to secure the support of an ample majority of parliamentarians; also, a new and favorable political scenario had emerged, in which the support of the main right-wing parties was not necessary for the reform to pass. Second, we maintain that the reform sought mainly to resolve problems affecting the parties of the governing coalition related to negotiations of coalition lists for elections. As a complementary objective, the reform promoted a general interest by establishing rules that allowed a "fairer" system of representation and improved competitive conditions.