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AbstractMass homelessness emerged in Canada in the wake of neoliberal policies that reduced government production of housing and other supportive measures. Efforts to reduce homelessness have occurred in three stages: 1) an emergency response in the 1990s that consisted mostly of investment in shelters, soup kitchens, and day programs, 2) the implementation of community plans to end homelessness, combined with the adoption of Housing First as a strategy that seeks to provide reliable shelter as a first step to anyone without it, followed by other remedial services, and 3) the recent development in Canada of early intervention strategies to prevent homelessness from its inception. The second stage was highly successful in dealing with the situation of chronically homeless adults, and many communities have begun to see reductions in homelessness. However effective, this approach does not break the cycle by intercepting potentially homeless individuals in their youth, which is when it begins for many people. Canada is at the beginning stages of the move towards a stronger focus on prevention, aided by a social innovation agenda to identify, design, test, and evaluate preventive interventions to determine which ones will be most strategically effective, setting the stage for implementation and going to scale.

Three hundred and sixty homeless youth in Toronto, Canada were asked to report how they made money in order to survive. Income generation among this marginal population was conceptualized by fusing theory and research in the fields of the informal economy and the `underclass', and sociological criminology. While economic activity was found to be flexible, our analysis also reveals that work on the street is stratified on the basis of worker backgrounds and job/situational conditions. In terms of policy, our key theme in this paper is that successful strategies to move young people off the streets cannot rest simply on low paying employment as a solution.

Anti-social behaviour statutes are proliferating in western societies, yet little statistical analysis has been conducted on their enforcement patterns and trends, particularly in Canada. A study of the Ontario Safe Streets Act enforcement in Toronto shows a 2,000 percent increase in tickets from 2000 to 2010, with most being issued downtown to homeless individuals. Further research shows that this increase is not the result of increasing crime rates, increases in aggressive solicitation practices, widespread complaints from businesses or the public, or police responses to gangs, nor is it for revenue generation. We argue such anti-social behaviour statutes are a misguided public policy response to the visibility of homelessness.

Abstract
This article conveys the results of a three-year ethnographic study of a pan-Canadian community–university collaboration to prevent and end youth homelessness. The collaboration adapted aspects of a collective impact (CI) approach to pursue a large-scale shift in how youth homelessness is addressed in Canada. The objective of this article is to codify and share the model developed and implemented by the community–university collaboration as an opportunity for ongoing adaptation and learning among others undertaking similarly complex and collaborative systems-change efforts. Findings suggest a CI approach is unlikely to be suitable for large-scale innovation-oriented initiatives, and that context-specific adaptations of the model should be encouraged. To what is already known about collaborative multisectoral partnerships, this article reveals the importance of strategic information sharing, targeted and flexible research and knowledge mobilization efforts, and ongoing attentiveness to the relational dimensions of collaborative evidence-informed systems-change efforts.

Historically, the prevention of youth homelessness has not been a priority in Canada or the United States. In recent years, this has begun to change. While there is growing recognition that a shift by preventing homelessness is required to bring a substantive end to homelessness, a common and shared understanding of what prevention is and what it involves has remained largely absent or obscured in both policy and practice. In this paper, we focus specifically on the prevention of youth homelessness and set out to provide conceptual clarity through presenting a clear definition of what prevention is and what it is not. Accompanying the definition is a five-point typology that includes (1) structural prevention; (2) systems prevention; (3) early intervention; (4) crisis intervention, and (5) housing stabilization. Each of the five elements of the typology is defined, identifying who is responsible for implementation. In addition, the typology is populated with examples of different approaches to the prevention of youth homelessness. We conclude with some key considerations to guide the implementation of preventive interventions and present core principles designed to support the development of effective and quality prevention interventions.

Homelessness presents numerous challenges for youth, including physical health issues, mental health problems, substance use, victimization, legal issues, and dropping out of school. Despite these challenges, youth display significant resilience. Using data from a randomized controlled trial on Housing First for Youth, this study examines qualitative narratives delving into the process of resilience (i.e., stressors, coping, and positive adaptation) among 21 youth over one year. Stressors varied among participants, with childhood abuse and instability being the most prominent. Coping mechanisms included creating barriers with unhealthy relationships, rebuilding relationships, and reframing their circumstances. The findings provide an exploration of the resilience process for youth experiencing homelessness, emphasizing the importance of understanding how youth respond to stressors and adapt to their environment. Additionally, this study highlights the significance of community and relationship-based coping strategies alongside individual approaches, thus displaying the pivotal role of community support in fostering resilience among homeless youth.

Purpose
People experiencing homelessness are high-users of hospital care in Canada. To better understand the scope of the issue, and how these patients are discharged from hospital, a national survey of key stakeholders was conducted in 2017. The paper aims to discuss this issue.


Design/methodology/approach
The Canadian Observatory on Homelessness distributed an online survey to their network of members through e-mail and social media. A sample of 660 stakeholders completed the mixed-methods survey, including those in health care, non-profit, government, law enforcement and academia.


Findings
Results indicate that hospitals and homelessness sector agencies often struggle to coordinate care. The result is that these patients are usually discharged to the streets or shelters and not into housing or housing with supports. The health care and homelessness sectors in Canada are currently structured in a way that hinders collaborative transfers of patient care. The three primary and inter-related gaps raised by survey participants were: communication, privacy and systems pressures.


Research limitations/implications
The findings are limited to those who voluntarily completed the survey and may indicate self-selection bias. Results are limited to professional stakeholders and do not reflect patient views.


Practical implications
Identifying systems gaps from the perspective of those who work within health care and homelessness sectors is important for supporting system reforms.


Originality/value
This survey was the first to collect nationwide stakeholder data on homelessness and hospital discharge in Canada. The findings help inform policy recommendations for more effective systems alignment within Canada and internationally.