Suchergebnisse

Preface and Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Chapter 1: Introduction: International Obligations Versus National Interests -- The Value of Comparison -- Methodology and Sources -- Outline -- Chapter 2: Boat People and Migration Theory -- The Genesis of a Term -- Who Are Boat People? -- The Politics of Boat People -- Policy Constraints -- Policy Outcomes -- Conclusion -- Chapter 3: A New Wave, 1989-1994 -- 'What If It's 200,000, Two Million?' Australia's Struggle with Boat People -- 'Risk Their Lives or Not, I Mean, We Have an Orderly Immigration Programme'

This book compares the policies of Australia and Italy towards boat people who have arrived in the two countries since the early 1990s. While the regular and varied inflow of immigrants arriving at national airports, ferry terminals and train stations is seldom witnessed by the public, the arrival of boat people is often played out in the media and consequently attracts disproportionate political and public attention. Both Australia and Italy faced similar dilemmas, but the nature of political debate on the issue, the types of strategies introduced, and the effects that policy changes had on boat people diverged considerably. This book argues that contrasting migration path dependencies, disparate political values within the Left, and varying international obligations best explain the different approaches taken by the two countries to boat people.

Widespread belief in economic liberalism in the second half of the nineteenth century, combined with the development of safer, faster, and cheaper transportation, paved the way for huge migration to occur. Between 1850 and 1914, 55 million people departed Europe, with the vast majority heading to the Americas during what Hatton and Williamson term "the age of mass migration". According to McKeown, something similar in scale and duration took place at approximately the same time – albeit enduring for slightly longer – involving Indians and southern Chinese moving to Southeast Asia and people from north-eastern Asia and Russia to North Asia. However, "the booming of the guns of August 1914 brought to a sudden close the era during which foreigners were relatively free to traverse borders", according to John Torpey. States in Europe and North America, in particular, reintroduced passport controls with vigour during World War I and instead of lifting these bellicose measures at the end of the conflict, they generally reinforced them. The United States led the way in introducing such restrictions. Following on from the imposition of the 1917 Literacy Act came the 1921 and 1924 US Immigration Acts, which limited arrivals by introducing quotas for countries. The development in much of Europe of the modern welfare state in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century simultaneously gave rise to more restrictive immigration policies in Europe, thereby leading to an even greater distinction between citizens and non-citizens.

The return of high levels of emigration has become one of the most debated and sensitive social topics in Ireland in recent years. But Irish emigration continues to be discussed in the singular rather than the plural. This paper compares Irish emigration to other Eurozone states that also encountered serious economic difficulties following the onset of the global financial crisis to highlight international trends and specify national differences. All of the 'PIIGS' experienced increased emigration after the crisis. Yet Irish citizens left in much greater numbers per capita than their Eurozone counterparts, with only Portugal bearing any similarities. This was because Irish emigrants possessed valuable transnational human, cultural and social capital that enabled them to access liberal labour markets outside the Eurozone. They possessed skills desired by attractive destination states; they spoke the same language and shared similar cultural traits as their hosts; and they were able to call upon recently renewed Irish networks to further facilitate their move abroad.

INTERACT - Researching Third Country Nationals' Integration as a Three-way Process - Immigrants, Countries of Emigration and Countries of Immigration as Actors of Integration ; Ireland has undergone a remarkable demographic transition in the last twenty years. In the early 1990s, it was a largely homogenous state. By 2011, however, some 12 percent of the Irish population were nationals of other countries. This paper provides a concise summary of the Irish stateメs attempts to integrate its sizeable but relatively recent immigrant population. It first examines how the state reacted to the significant rise in asylum seekers that occurred in the late 1990s and the early 2000s. It then turns its attention towards the stateメs response to the arrival of hundreds of thousands of economic migrants, particularly after the enlargement of the EU in 2004. The state initiated several positive strategies in the 2000s but few resources have been dedicated to integration since late 2008, when Ireland experienced a serious economic recession. The impetus for integration has, instead, been left to local authorities and NGOs. Yet they have also suffered from severe state cuts to their budgets as a result of the crisis. Consequently, the outlook for the integration of Irelandメs extensive immigration community remains uncertain. ; INTERACT is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union.

Published: 02 December 2011 ; This article details the central role—often overlooked in the literature—played by committed individuals and interested parties in establishing the refugee definition contained in the 1951 Refugee Convention. It conveys the struggle that took place between the two camps of national representatives who finalized the Convention, termed the 'universalists' and 'Europeanists' by one contemporary diplomat because of their contrasting geographical and conceptual preferences. Although various regional and international developments have complemented and broadened Article 1 significantly over the last 60 years, none of them have actually replaced it. Recent discussions over the need to adapt a more 'political' or 'humanitarian' refugee definition do not represent a new phenomenon; they merely resemble a modern continuation of the contrasting views put forward by a variety of personalities involved in the formation of the 1951 Refugee Convention. ; Revised version of parts of Chapter 1 of author's EUI PhD thesis, 2009

Dieser Beitrag beleuchtet den Einfluss zwischenstaatlicher Organisationen auf die unerwünschte Migration in Westeuropa seit den 1930er Jahren. Dabei wird insbesondere auf die Entwicklungen in wirtschaftlichen Krisenzeiten eingegangen, vor allem während der Großen Depression in den 1930er, der Rezession in den 1970ern und frühen 1980er Jahre sowie der gegenwärtigen globalen Krise im Finanzsektor. Bei den betrachteten zwischenstaatlichen Organisationen handelt es sich um den Völkerbund in den 1930ern sowie um die Europäische Kommission ab den 1970er Jahren. Die Einflussmöglichkeiten der Europäischen Kommission auf die Politik der westeuropäischen Staaten im Bereich der unerwünschten Migration sind seit den erfolglosen Ansätzen des Völkerbundes in den 1930ern beträchtlich gestiegen, vor allem im Vorfeld der aktuellen Wirtschaftskrise. Diesem Machtzuwachs steht jedoch ein geringer werdendes Wohlwollen seitens der Europäischen Kommission gegenüber, da Brüssel die unerwünschte Migration zunehmend aus dem Blickwinkel von Sicherheit und Justiz und nicht nur als soziales und kulturelles Thema betrachtet und damit nun einen Standpunkt einnimmt, der große Ähnlichkeit mit dem der westeuropäischen Staaten aufweist.