Le ragioni di Athena: modelli di sviluppo per un'Italia che riparte
In: Studi e ricerche 152
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In: Studi e ricerche 152
In: Manuali
In: Studi e ricerche 405
In: Le politiche pubbliche in Italia
In: Policy and society, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 326-344
ISSN: 1839-3373
ABSTRACT
Italy was the first large epicentre of the COVID-19 pandemic in the Western world. Since the country has not had any serious experience with this kind of disease in recent decades, its response has been indicative of a first reaction to an (un)known and (un)expected event. At the same time, the Italian experience is an emblematic case of how a lack of specific preparedness measures drives a country to deal with this kind of crisis through a process in which the existing characteristics of the policy and political system, with all their pros and cons, prevail. This means that the existing country characteristics that affects policy design, state capacity, institutional arrangements and political games forge the process and content of the response. Based on this observation, this paper analyses the policy dynamics of the first four months of management of the COVID-19 outbreak in Italy, focusing on how the health and economic responses were designed and implemented.
Italy was the first large epicentre of the COVID-19 pandemic in the Western world. Since the country has not had any serious experience with this kind of disease in recent decades, its response has been indicative of a first reaction to an (un)known and (un)expected event. At the same time, the Italian experience is an emblematic case of how a lack of specific preparedness measures drives a country to deal with this kind of crisis through a process in which the existing characteristics of the policy and political system, with all their pros and cons, prevail. This means that the existing country characteristics that affects policy design, state capacity, institutional arrangements and political games forge the process and content of the response. Based on this observation, this paper analyses the policy dynamics of the first four months of management of the COVID-19 outbreak in Italy, focusing on how the health and economic responses were designed and implemented.
BASE
In: Public administration: an international journal, Band 97, Heft 3, S. 590-604
ISSN: 1467-9299
Due to its popularity, the term layering is often used generically, and it risks being transformed into a catch‐all concept. Layering has become synonymous with incremental change, thus making it a synonym for change without any specification in terms of the change and its effects. To make the term more conceptually coherent and empirically useful, this article problematizes the historical neo‐institutionalist definition of layering as a mode of change and, above all, its use in the literature. It argues that layering should be conceptualized in terms of modes of institutional design through which different types of additions to the actual institutional arrangement can be activated to pursue not only institutional and eventually policy change but also stability. As an approach to institutional design, layering can be distinguished according to that which is layered and the results that layering can achieve in terms of institutional and policy effects.
Il diritto dell'Unione europea possiede oggi un'influenza sempre più rilevante sul diritto penale degli Stati membri. A partire dall'entrata in vigore del Trattato di Lisbona, tale influenza coinvolge espressamente anche le scelte di criminalizzazione, potendo l'Unione operare direttamente la decisione circa l'an e in parte anche il quantum di pena. Le istituzioni dell'Unione hanno già iniziato ad adottare direttive in materia penale impiegando quale base giuridica l'art. 83 TFUE, e ci si può ragionevolmente attendere che tale prassi si consolidi e aumenti il numero degli atti adottati, andando così a costituire un corpus normativo di crescente rilevanza per gli ordinamenti nazionali e in ultima analisi per i singoli individui. La tesi ripercorre le più importanti tappe che hanno condotto all'attuale sviluppo della competenza penale europea, soffermandosi principalmente sul quadro istituzionale introdotto dal Trattato di Lisbona (capitolo primo). Successivamente fornisce un sintetico riepilogo degli strumenti istituzionali e normativi di maggiore rilievo nel settore considerato e delle loro più rilevanti caratteristiche (capitolo secondo), passando poi ad effettuare una disamina dei principali atti sino ad oggi adottati, prima nel vigore del terzo pilastro e poi sotto la base giuridica fornita dal Trattato di Lisbona (capitolo terzo). Infine, prova a verificare la presenza, i caratteri e la giustiziabilità dei fondamentali principi della legislazione penale nell'ordinamento dell'Unione europea, alla luce della normazione vigente e della giurisprudenza della Corte di giustizia (capitolo quarto), per poi tentare di affermare la sussistenza di basi fondative per lo sviluppo di una vera e propria politica penale europea. ; European Union law today has an increasingly relevant influence on national criminal law. Since the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, this influence has expressly involved the choices of criminalization as well, as the European Union may directly operate the decision on if and partly how much to punish. The institutions have already begun to adopt directives on criminal matters using art. 83 TFEU as a legal basis, and one can reasonably expect that this practice will consolidate and that the number of measures adopted will increase, thus creating a corpus of legislation which has a growing relevance on the national legal systems and, ultimately, on individuals. The dissertation recalls the most important landmarks that have led to the present development of the European criminal competence, focusing mainly on the institutional framework adopted by the Lisbon Treaty (chapter one). Later, it provides a brief recall of the institutional and legal instruments that have a main role in the relevant subject and of their main characteristics (chapter two). Then, it moves to deal with the main legal acts that have been adopted till now, first in the third pillar framework and then under the legal basis provided by the Lisbon Treaty (chapter three). Eventually, it aims to verify the presence, the characteristics and the possibility to be appealed to on a trial of the fundamental principles of criminal legislation, in the light of the legislation in force and of the case law of the CJEU (chapter four), in order to attempt to maintain the existence of founding basis to the development of an actual European criminal policy.
BASE
In: Journal of comparative policy analysis: research and practice, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 322-341
ISSN: 1572-5448
In: Policy and society, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 199-213
ISSN: 1839-3373
This paper traces the developments of quality assurance in the Italian university system since the early 1990s. Based on the theoretical assumption that the 'quality assurance' label covers a wide range of different mixes of policy tools by means of which governments regulate (substantially at a distance) the systemic dynamics of their university systems, this paper adopts a mechanistic perspective in order to show how the Italian version of quality assurance, and of the respective NPM policy tools, has been significantly affected by the ambiguity of governments' approaches to the question, and by the basic inability of universities to perform as corporate actors. This has resulted in quality assurance policy becoming yet another set of formal rules to be complied with, and has had the effect of partially re-centralizing the governance of the entire university system.
In: Rivista italiana di politiche pubbliche, Heft 3, S. 425-456
ISSN: 1722-1137
In: Public administration: an international journal, Band 89, Heft 4, S. 1622-1642
ISSN: 1467-9299
Governance in higher education has undergone certain substantial shifts in recent decades. In order to analyse this process from an empirical point of view, a specific understanding of governance, based on the role of the public power in question (state, government or another such power, depending on the context) has been assumed. Changes in systemic governance (and consequently also at the institutional level) are a product in particular of governments' responses to changes in their respective environments. This theoretical assumption, which in this particular study takes the form of a specific typology of governance modes, is employed to analyse those changes witnessed in higher education over the last 20 years. It does this by focusing on four specific national cases (England, Germany, Italy and The Netherlands). The empirical evidence shows that government continues to govern, and has not lost any of its policy‐making power, but has simply changed the way it steers higher education.