Suchergebnisse

This study analyzes the effects of supranational governance on the refugee crisis in the European Union (EU). The main argument is that the supranational institutions of the EU have often failed to adequately manage the refugee crisis according to its foundational principles of fair burden sharing and solidarity. This failure has gradually discredited the Union's basic normative principles such as solidarity, hospitality, and respect for human rights. We show that the gaps between certain policies adopted at the Union level and the practices at the national level have widened, and this has led to a familiar defeat of the normative domain by realpolitik, following some central tenets of classical realism. We aim to show that in several areas of EU policy, as well as how individual states have responded to them, national interests and burden shirking, rather than sharing, have unfortunately prevailed.

Izmir is a large metropolis in Turkey at the side of a gulf on the Aegean Sea in the westernmost part of Anatolian Peninsula. As the third most populous city of the country after Istanbul and Ankara, Izmir has a population over 4 million on an area of 12,012 km² extending along the Gulf of Izmir to the inland across Gediz River's delta in the north, alongside a plain in the east and a somewhat craggy area in the south. It is the second leading port after Istanbul with its large and sheltered harbour. The ancient city which was known and also mentioned in English as Smyrna has officially taken the name of Izmir in 1930. Being described as "princess" by the 19th century French poet Victor Hugo, the city have witnessed 8,500 years of human history including 3,500 years of urban history as one of the oldest port cities of the Mediterranean. Izmir had long served as a point of interaction between the East and West and constituted a borderland between civilisations, between ethnicities, and between religions in its process of evolution from Smyrna to Izmir. The current urban identity of Izmir and its population has been deeply influenced by its historical heritage and multicultural past. Although the city has experienced vital changes in the course of time it still bears the borderland city flavour as a contribution of this heritage. (author's abstract)

The recognition of Turkey as a candidate country for EU membership at the Helsinki Summit of December 1999 has provided a new basis for Turkey-EU relations after long years of association. Post-Helsinki dynamics have strengthened the position of pro-EU circles in Turkey. However, continuing debates between pro-EU and Eurosceptic circles still constitute an important domestic factor shaping the dynamics of Turkey's candidacy process. The interaction between these circles is characterized by cleavages on political and economic aspects such as compliance with the Copenhagen political criteria and the obligations of the customs union between Turkey and the EU. In fact, such debates are influenced particularly by the EU's stance over Turkey's membership. Positive signals from the EU help to strengthen the position of pro-EU circles. On the other hand, ambiguous signals and controversial declarations from Europe tend to have a negative impact on the credibility of the EU's conditionality, amplify the arguments of Eurosceptics, and thereby undermine Turkish public opinion's support for EU membership. Adapted from the source document.

The agenda and referent subjects and objects of security have widened as both the actors and the themes of national and international security have varied in the Post-Cold War Era. Recently, the epidemics have also been transformed into one of these vital referent objects of security. In fact, not only less-developed and developing countries but also developed countries including great and middle powers would become vulnerable to the pandemics such as in the case of COVID-19. Thus, the European Union (EU) Member States, first and foremost Italy, Spain and France have been profoundly affected by the outbreak of the COVID-19. In fact, the EU must face the implications of this pandemic in a time of existential threats including the Brexit, Euro crisis, rising populism and Euroscepticism. Within this context, this study initially aims to evaluate the vulnerability of the EU to COVID-19, then, the responses to and reflections of the pandemic in terms of the EU's security in a period when the EU's solidarity and unity have been already questioned. Eventually, this study discusses the potential impact of COVID-19 as another existential threat on the European integration process.

The agenda and referent subjects and objects of security have widened as both the actors and the themes of national and international security have varied in the Post-Cold War Era. Recently, the epidemics have also been transformed into one of these vital referent objects of security. In fact, not only less-developed and developing countries but also developed countries including great and middle powers would become vulnerable to the pandemics such as in the case of COVID-19. Thus, the European Union (EU) Member States, first and foremost Italy, Spain and France have been profoundly affected by the outbreak of the COVID-19. In fact, the EU has to face the implications of this pandemic in a time of existential threats including the Brexit, Euro crisis, rising populism and Euroscepticism. Within this context, this study initially aims to evaluate the vulnerability of the EU to COVID-19, then, the responses to and reflections of the pandemic in terms of the EU's security in a period when the EU's solidarity and unity have been already questioned. Eventually, this study discusses the potential impact of COVID-19 as another existential threat on the future of European integra-tion process.