The author aims at establishing the concept of a framework within which the arms procurement patterns of the ASEAN members can be evaluated. There is a danger that existing differences and areas of potential conflict within ASEAN may be exacerbated by an escalation of arms transfers into the region. Consequently, it might be possible to achieve a certain level of understanding and cooperation within ASEAN if there was a useful framework for assessing the nature of arms purchases which will have to be defined as including both arms procurement and defence industrialization. (DÜI-Sen)
The Ontario growth model : the "end of the road" or a "new economy"? / John Peters -- The geography of the Ontario service economy / Steven Tufts -- A neoliberal pause? The auto and manufacturing sectors in Ontario since free trade / Dimitry Anastakis -- Northern Ontario and the crisis of development and democracy / David Leadbeater -- New bargains? Ontario and federalism in the neoliberal period / Robert Drummond -- Gendering state : women and public policy in Ontario / Tammy Findlay -- Municipal neoliberalism and the Ontario state / Carlo Fanelli -- Class, power, and neoliberal employment policy in Ontario / Charles Smith -- Poverty and policy in Ontario : you can't eat good intentions / Peter Graefe and Carol-Anne Hudson -- Reforming health services in Ontario : contradictions / Hugh Armstrong and Pat Armstrong -- Competing paradigms : the search for sustainability in Ontario electricity policy / Mark Winfield and Becky MacWhirter -- Schooling goes to market : the consolidation of lean education in Ontario / Alan Sears and James Cairns -- Colonialism, Indigenous struggles, and the Ontario state / Jamie Lawson -- Unequal futures : race and class under neoliberalism in Ontario / Grace-Edward Galabuzi -- The democratic imagination in Ontario and participatory budgeting / Terry Maley -- The challenges of union political action in the era of neoliberalism / Stephanie Ross.
"Bryan M. Evans, Stephen McBride, and their contributors delve further into the more practical, ground-level side of the austerity equation in Austerity: The Lived Experience. Economically, austerity policies cannot be seen to work in the way elite interests claim that they do. Rather than soften the blow of the economic and financial crisis of 2008 for ordinary citizens, policies of austerity slow growth and lead to increased inequality. While political consent for such policies may have been achieved, it was reached amidst significant levels of disaffection and strong opposition to the extremes of austerity. The authors build their analysis in three sections, looking alternatively at theoretical and ideological dimensions of the lived experience of austerity; how austerity plays out in various public sector occupations and policy domains; and the class dimensions of austerity. The result is a ground-breaking contribution to the study of austerity politics and policies."--
"This volume focuses on the state's role in managing the fall-out from the global economic and financial crisis since 2008. For a brief moment, roughly from 2008-2010, governments and central banks appeared to borrow from Keynes to save the global economy. The contributors, however, take the view that to see those stimulus measures as "Keynesian" is a misinterpretation. Rather, neoliberalism demonstrated considerable resiliency despite its responsibility for the deep and prolonged crisis. The "austerian" analysis of the crisis is--historical, ignores its deeper roots, and rests upon a triumph of discourse involving blame-shifting from the under-regulated private sector to public or sovereign debt--for which the public authorities are responsible."--
"This volume focuses on the state's role in managing the fall-out from the global economic and financial crisis since 2008. For a brief moment, roughly from 2008-2010, governments and central banks appeared to borrow from Keynes to save the global economy. The contributors, however, take the view that to see those stimulus measures as "Keynesian" is a misinterpretation. Rather, neoliberalism demonstrated considerable resiliency despite its responsibility for the deep and prolonged crisis. The "austerian" analysis of the crisis is--historical, ignores its deeper roots, and rests upon a triumph of discourse involving blame-shifting from the under-regulated private sector to public or sovereign debt--for which the public authorities are responsible."--
11 From Austerity to Structural Reform: The Erosion of the European Social Model(s)12 Austerity of Imagination: Quebec's Struggles in Translating Resistance into Alternatives; 13 Social Democracy and Social Pacts: Austerity Alliances and Their Consequences; 14 Austerity and Political Crisis: The Radical Left, the Far Right, and Europe's New Authoritarian Order; 15 Conclusion; Contributors.
"This volume focuses on the state's role in managing the fall-out from the global economic and financial crisis since 2008. For a brief moment, roughly from 2008-2010, governments and central banks appeared to borrow from Keynes to save the global economy. The contributors, however, take the view that to see those stimulus measures as "Keynesian" is a misinterpretation. Rather, neoliberalism demonstrated considerable resiliency despite its responsibility for the deep and prolonged crisis. The "austerian" analysis of the crisis is--historical, ignores its deeper roots, and rests upon a triumph of discourse involving blame-shifting from the under-regulated private sector to public or sovereign debt--for which the public authorities are responsible."--
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Recently, there have been a number of Canadian-based studies of federal and provincial government policy workers. One key theme across all of these studies is the importance of well-established networks outside of government. However, these studies have demonstrated that government policy workers interact very infrequently outside the comfort of their own department cubicles. This stands in contrast to the considerable literature on new public governance theory, which suggests that non-governmental organizations (NGOs), including nonprofit groups, should, and do, play an important role in shaping public policy. This article provides some insights into this question and identifies where NGO–government interaction does exist. The descriptive results from a survey of non-governmental organization policy workers across four fields (environment, health, labour, and immigration) in three Canadian provinces (British Columbia, Saskatchewan, and Ontario) clearly illustrate the limitations, at all levels, on interaction between NGO groups and government officials. The article argues that this does not disprove the basic tenet of new governance theory—that non-state actors are engaged, to some degree, in the policy process. The article examines the results of an ordinary least squares (OLS) regression model to determine what factors shape and drive NGO interaction with government. RÉSUMÉ Depuis peu, bon nombre d'études canadiennes sont apparues sur les stratèges des gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux. Un thème clé dans ces études est l'importance de maintenir des réseaux viables au-delà du gouvernement. Pourtant, selon diverses études, les stratèges gouvernementaux interagissent très peu au-delà de leurs bureaux à cloisons. Cette situation ne reflète pas l'approche recommandée dans les nombreux écrits recourant à la théorie de la nouvelle gouvernance publique. Celle-ci recommande aux organisations non-gouvernementales (ONG), y compris aux groupes sans but lucratif, de jouer un rôle plus important dans la formulation des politiques publiques. Cet article explore cette question et identifie les domaines où existent des interactions entre ONG et gouvernements. Les résultats d'un sondage de stratèges d'ONG dans quatre domaines (environnement, santé, travail et immigration) dans trois provinces canadiennes (Colombie-Britannique, Saskatchewan et Ontario) illustrent clairement les contraintes, à tous les niveaux, sur les interactions entre ONG et gouvernements. L'article soutient que cette situation ne contredit pas le principe fondamental de la théorie de la nouvelle gouvernance publique, à savoir que des acteurs non gouvernementaux s'engagent effectivement, jusqu'à un certain point, dans la formulation de politiques. Cet article examine en outre les résultats de l'application d'une méthode des moindres carrés pour déterminer quels sont les facteurs qui influencent et motivent les interactions entre ONG et gouvernements
Transforming Provincial Politics is the first province-by-province analysis of politics and political economy in more than a decade, and the first to directly examine the turn to neoliberal policies at the provincial and territorial level.
