Suchergebnisse

Die Reformulierung der europäischen Geschichte, die nach dem Mauerfall einsetzte, verband postfaschistische und postsozialistische Narrative zu einer westlich-kapitalistischen Erfolgsgeschichte. Ein dritter Faktor, der ebenfalls einer Neubewertung bedurft hätte, blieb hierbei jedoch unbeachtet: die koloniale Vergangenheit. Fatima El-Tayeb nähert sich den aktuellen Diskussionen um die deutsche Identität durch ihre historische Kontextualisierung und die Frage nach deren Lücken. Sie untersucht die Auswirkungen dieser einseitigen Geschichtsaufarbeitung anhand der Produktion dreier rassifizierter Gruppen - Schwarze, Roma und Muslime - als »undeutsch« und zeigt so, dass ein postmigrantisches Deutschland nicht nur offene Zukunftsvisionen, sondern auch neue Vergangenheitsnarrative braucht.

"European Others" offers an interrogation into the position of racialized communities in the European Union, arguing that the tension between a growing nonwhite, non-Christian population and insistent essentialist definitions of Europeanness produces new forms of identity and activism. Moving beyond disciplinary and national limits, Fatima El-Tayeb explores structures of resistance, tracing a Europeanization from below in which migrant and minority communities challenge the ideology of racelessness that places them firmly outside the community of citizens. Using a notable variety of

This article addresses the long-term impact of colonialism on Europe's internal structures and on its self-positioning in a global context. Using the 2015 refugee crisis as a focal point and centering the German example, the author explores the complex relationship between memory discourses and visions of Germany's and Europe's postunification future. The author argues that the erasure of colonial violence from the continent's collective memory has a direct, negative impact on its ability to let go of a racialized identity that is in increasing tension with Europe's actual multiracial and multireligious composition. The article traces this dynamic around the example of the non-European collections in Berlin's Museum Island and the future Humboldt Forum, conceptualized as the world's largest "universal museum." The narratives through which this art is integrated into Europe's cultural heritage are in stark contrast to those that simultaneously defined the refugees, who arrived from the same region in which the art originated, as fundamentally different and threatening. The narratives intersect in the Multaqa initiative, which offers Arab language tours of Museum Island to refugees, and in the controversy around the site of the Humboldt Forum and the colonial art it is meant to house.

Die zunehmend ablehnende Haltung der Bevölkerungsmehrheit gegenüber Geflüchteten ist weniger eine Überforderung denn Ausdruck eines zwanghaft wiederholten Prozesses der Abgrenzung von einem imaginären 'Fremden'.

The article traces the framing of Muslim Europeans as the continent's Other by focusing on the silencing of queer Muslims within public debates around 'Islam and homosexuality'. Ignoring class as a factor in the violence produced by the gentrification of urban spaces, the pitting of the (implicitly white) gay community against the (implicitly straight) Muslim community posits the latter as a threat to the continent's foundations that needs to be contained through forms of spatial governance in line with the neoliberal restructuring of the city. Maintaining that this is a Europe-wide phenomenon, the article looks at Amsterdam as exemplifying the European metropole as a site of pseudo-homophile Islamophobia. Simultaneously, with activist groups like the queer of color collective Strange Fruit, it is also representative of the strategies of resistance developed by groups whose presence is virtually erased through culture clash discourses, namely queer Muslims. The article argues that an intersectional queer of color activism, as practiced by Strange Fruit, and a queer of color critique building on it, allows to undermine binaries from the Muslim/European dichotomy to the normative coming out narrative, invariably positioning queers of color as 'not properly gay'.

AbstractThe history of the black German minority, now estimated at around 500,000, goes back several centuries. It is only since the twentieth century, however, that Germans of African descent have been perceived as a group. This did not lead to their recognition as a national minority, but rather, from the 1910s to the 1960s, they were defined as a collective threat to Germany's racial and cultural 'purity'. When a sense of identity emerged among Afro‐Germans themselves in the 1980s, the majority population continued to deny the existence of ethnic diversity within German society. At the turn of the twenty‐first century, Afro‐Germans seemingly suddenly appeared as a new, 'hip' minority. This appearance was largely focused on the immense public success of the Hip Hop collective 'Brothers Keepers', conceived as an anti‐racist, explicitly Afro‐German intervention into German debates around national identity and racist violence. This article explains the success of 'Brothers Keepers' by contextualising it within the tradition of two decades of Afro‐ German feminist activism and the transnational Hip Hop movement of European youth of colour.

The 1999 plan of the Social Democratic government to adjust Germany's 1913 nationality law has generated an intensely emotional debate. In an unprecedented action, the opposition Christian Democrats managed to gather hundreds of thousands of signatures against the adjustment that would have granted citizenship to second generation "immigrants" born in Germany. At the end of the twentieth century, Germans still strongly cling to the principle ofjus sanguinis. The idea that nationality is not connected ot place of birth or culture but rather to a "national essence" tJiat is somehow incorporated in the subject's blood has been strong in Germany since the early nineteenth century and has been especially decisive for the country's twentieth-century history.