Suchergebnisse

Since the Jim Crow era, overtly racist attitudes toward African-Americans have decreased. During this same period, however, racial inequalities have persisted and the approach to addressing such inequalities has shifted away from social assistance and toward punitive controls. This article poses an explanation for this seeming paradox, drawing on measures of implicit racial affect in a nationally representative survey to reveal a persisting relevance of racial bias in understandings of and support for public policies—even among those explicitly denying such bias. Among non-Hispanic whites, implicit racial bias is significantly associated with opposition to policies designed to ameliorate these inequalities as well as support for punitive crime policies. Racial bias appears to play a less important role in support or opposition to these policies among Hispanic whites and especially among African-Americans. Implications for public policy debates are discussed.

Women report greater concerns about the danger posed by strangers despite greater victimization by acquaintances. Using a survey of Seattle residents, this article investigates one understudied dimension of this seeming incongruity: the actual effect of victimization by a stranger or acquaintance on concerns about crime. The results suggest different patterns for different crimes: relationship to the offender does not matter for burglaries while acquaintance sexual assaults and stranger nonsexual assaults, respectively, hold the largest associations with concerns. Implications are discussed for research on fear of crime, acquaintance victimizations, and perceptions of neighborhoods.

Objective The study investigates the role of information obtained through local social connections in judgments about the safety of a neighborhood from crime. Methods The study employs a neighborhood-based survey of Seattle residents. Results Residents who are embedded in local social networks are more likely to become familiar with their neighbors, and this familiarity is associated with greater perceptions of safety. On the other hand, residents who are embedded in local social networks may also be exposed to accounts of local victimizations by talking with neighbors about local crime problems, which is associated with lower perceptions of neighborhood safety. Conclusion This work poses an explanation for weak and inconsistent findings in prior research on the role of social connections in perceptions of crime: that connections matter in ways that are dependent on the kinds of information residents receive through them. Connections to broader debates about the value-neutral role of social networks are discussed. Adapted from the source document.

ObjectiveThe study investigates the role of information obtained through local social connections in judgments about the safety of a neighborhood from crime.MethodsThe study employs a neighborhood‐based survey of Seattle residents.ResultsResidents who are embedded in local social networks are more likely to become familiar with their neighbors, and this familiarity is associated with greater perceptions of safety. On the other hand, residents who are embedded in local social networks may also be exposed to accounts of local victimizations by talking with neighbors about local crime problems, which is associated with lower perceptions of neighborhood safety.ConclusionThis work poses an explanation for weak and inconsistent findings in prior research on the role of social connections in perceptions of crime: that connections matter in ways that are dependent on the kinds of information residents receive through them. Connections to broader debates about the value‐neutral role of social networks are discussed.

AbstractThrough this study, we shed new light on a key line of inquiry for criminologists: the way the media influence the public's understanding of crime and justice. We argue for expanding the lens of studies on the media's construction of crime, moving away from one‐dimensional reactions to crime to an integrated set of frames about crime and justice policy while considering the potential influence of a diverse array of media forms and content. Most critically, this social construction process must be placed in context, specifically, the racial composition in which people consume media. By using two nationally representative surveys matched with contextual data, we identify two forms of media consumption that seem important to understandings of crime: local television news and TV crime dramas. Interestingly, local news seems more important than national news even to perceptions of national crime trends, whereas news consumed over the Internet is not relevant, nor are 24‐hour cable news channels once political views are taken into account. Television news viewers are also more likely to support tougher crime policies. Importantly, context matters: The influence of television news and crime dramas on perceptions of crime is strongest among White respondents who live near larger numbers of Black neighbors.

The police need public support and cooperation to be effective in controlling crime and holding offenders accountable. In many disadvantaged communities of color, poor relationships between the police and residents undermine effective policing. Weak police–minority community relationships are rooted in a long history of discriminatory practices and contemporary proactive policing strategies that are overly aggressive and associated with racial disparities. There are no simple solutions to address the complex rift between the police and the minority communities that they serve. The available evidence suggests that there are policies and practices that could improve police–minority community relations and enhance police effectiveness. Police departments should conduct more sophisticated analysis of crime problems to ensure that crime-control programs are not indiscriminate and unfocused, engage residents in their crime reduction efforts by revitalizing community policing, ensure procedurally just police contacts with citizens, and implement problem-solving strategies to prevent crimes beyond surveillance and enforcement actions.

ObjectivesThis study explored the sociopolitical influence of controversies related to policing and "law and order" during the 2016 presidential campaign. Following incidences of social unrest sparked by lethal confrontations between police officers and people of color, Donald Trump condemned protesters and expressed unwavering support for the police, while Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders expressed empathy with communities of color and called for criminal justice reform.MethodWe conducted a framing experiment to test whether exposure to images designed to evoke a range of hostile to benign police–civilian interactions affected respondents' vote preference in the lead‐up to the presidential election.ResultsWe found that exposure to an image of police–civilian interactions decreased the likelihood that a respondent would choose not to express a vote preference. This effect was most pronounced among political independents and respondents low in political awareness. We also found that exposure to a picture of the militarized police response to protesters in Ferguson, Missouri, significantly altered candidate choice, and this effect varied across political partisanship.ConclusionsWe conclude that electoral rhetoric about crime, mass protests, and "law and order" continues to be impactful in 21st‐century American politics. We also find some evidence consistent with the "shy Trump voters" hypothesis that some people were unwilling to publicly disclose their preference for Donald Trump in pre‐election polls.