Suchergebnisse

Drawing on research in men's long-term, maximum-security prisons, this book examines three interconnected problems: the tendency of the prison to obscure other social problems and conceal its own failings, the pursuit of greater levels of human security through repressive and violent means and the persistence of the belief in the problem of 'evil'

Every day that people of color are hyper‐surveilled, harmed, threatened, diminished, dehumanized, and disenfranchised is a day absent of racial justice. In my view, this special section illuminates two critically important truths of oppression: First, it shows up physically, psychologically, and socially (e.g., the sequelae of racism), and second, the locus of the cause of the oppression is in institutions and systems. Yet, that is not the whole story. Although we need to continue including the voices and capacities of racially marginalized people in telling the truths of oppression, we also need them to be part of radically re‐imagining those oppressive systems in the first place.

Prison expansionism around the world is, in part, facilitated by extolling the prison as a symbol of 'Western-democracy' which is justified as an effective and transparent means of enforcing the rule of law and as an internationally recognised indicator of a strong state. This article, however, argues that the realities of prisons do not match up with their symbolic and extolled virtues. Drawing on existing empirical and theoretical literature, this article argues that the role of the prison as a symbol of effective 'state-building' ignores the irrefutable evidence of the 'fiasco' of the prison, either to fulfil its own stated purposes or to operate in ways that adhere to or strengthen democratic ideals. Further, it suggests that international bodies, non-government organisations, state officials and scholars must engage more honestly with the 'truth about prisons' and their failure to function in the ways they are imagined to.

Prison expansionism around the world is, in part, facilitated by extolling the prison as a symbol of 'Western-democracy' which is justified as an effective and transparent means of enforcing the rule of law and as an internationally recognised indicator of a strong state. This article, however, argues that the realities of prisons do not match up with their symbolic and extolled virtues. Drawing on existing empirical and theoretical literature, this article argues that the role of the prison as a symbol of effective 'state-building' ignores the irrefutable evidence of the 'fiasco' of the prison, either to fulfil its own stated purposes or to operate in ways that adhere to or strengthen democratic ideals. Further, it suggests that international bodies, non-government organisations, state officials and scholars must engage more honestly with the 'truth about prisons' and their failure to function in the ways they are imagined to.

This article reports on research that incorporated action research-inspired dimensions on a project conducted in three maximum-security prisons in England. The project was aimed at collecting ethnographically informed data on prisoner experiences, at developing a method by which such data could be systematically and routinely collected by prison staff and at facilitating opportunities for prison officers to understand the 'pains of imprisonment' from the perspectives of prisoners. The challenges and limitations of the project are discussed, with particular reference to the paradox of participation and the role of power relations within prisons and within the research process. It is suggested that despite the inherent difficulties of attempting a participative approach with more powerful actors, facilitating change on a larger scale may be best served by developing a 'pedagogy of the oppressors' alongside a 'pedagogy of the oppressed'.

Historical and contemporary political events underscore that Latinx people do not necessarily view race and racism in the United States through a shared lens with other Latinx people and other communities of color. Thus, it is critical to understand how Latinx youth develop attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors that challenge white supremacy—or anti‐racist identities and behaviors—that actively disrupt racial oppression communities of color face as well as their own communities. In this paper, we review theoretical mechanisms by which Latinx youth may develop anti‐racist identities and actions on behalf of their own ethnic/racial communities and other communities oppressed by white supremacy. We conclude by offering suggestions for how institutions may support Latinx youth's anti‐racist identities and actions.

AbstractBecause diverse school settings provide students with opportunities to form same‐ and cross‐group relationships with youth of various ethnicities and races, an important question arises: How are these opportunities taken up, and what are the developmental implications of doing so? Accumulating evidence suggests that these connections are beneficial to youth. Yet, we currently have a limited understanding of the specific peer mechanisms that produce these benefits. Addressing this gap requires adopting a relational perspective and using social network analysis (SNA) tools to characterize the theorized developmental mechanisms through which intergroup connections promote adolescent psychological and academic adjustment. To do so, we present an integrative account in which intergroup connections are viewed as developing and influencing adolescent outcomes in the context of broader peer networks. We then discuss the need to disentangle peer network selection from peer influence dynamics to provide an accurate account of multiple processes through which intergroup connections shape development and briefly explore how these goals are achieved by using statistical approaches to modeling of social networks. This review seeks to guide the next generation of research to more thoroughly test and refine the developmental theory and advance knowledge that will inform interventions to promote intergroup connections and their academic and socio‐emotional benefits.

In October 2009, Professor David Nutt, eminent neuropsychopharmacologist and world leading expert on drugs, was dismissed as Chair of the UK government's Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs for comments he made at the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies' Eve Saville lecture. This article considers the role of evidence in political decision-making through the case of David Nutt. It is argued that the status of expert knowledge is in crisis for both the natural and the social sciences. We examine the role of the criminological advisor within emerging discourses of public criminology and suggest that high-stakes political issues can open up unprecedented opportunities for critical voices to engage in unbridled critique and to mobilise movements of dissent.